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Chapter 3 of 53 min read
المال والمصارف في الاقتصاد الإسلامي
The Islamic conception of money differs fundamentally from the conventional view in ways that have significant institutional implications. Chapra examines the nature and function of money in Islamic economics, and then develops the model of Islamic banking that follows from this conception.
Islamic jurisprudence has historically treated money (in the form of gold and silver) as a medium of exchange and measure of value — a tool for facilitating real economic transactions rather than a commodity to be traded for its own sake. The prohibition of riba al-fadl (the exchange of gold for gold or silver for silver in unequal quantities) reflects this understanding: money is not something that should generate more money simply by sitting, being lent, or being exchanged in different denominations. The function of money is to serve the economy, not to exploit it.
Chapra examines the implications of this understanding for money creation. In the conventional fractional reserve system, commercial banks create money by making loans, with each loan creating a deposit that serves as the basis for further loans in a multiplier process. This money creation mechanism gives commercial banks enormous power over the economy and generates the structural problems Chapra identified in the previous chapter. An Islamic alternative would modify this mechanism significantly, ensuring that money creation is more closely tied to real economic activity and that the profits from money creation accrue more equitably to society as a whole rather than primarily to commercial banks.
The two-tier mudarabah model for Islamic banking, developed by Chapra and others, works as follows. On the liabilities side, banks receive deposits from the public on a profit-and-loss sharing basis — depositors are not guaranteed a fixed return but receive a share of the bank's investment profits (or bear losses). On the assets side, banks deploy these funds through profit-and-loss sharing investments — primarily musharakah and mudarabah — with entrepreneurs and businesses. The bank's returns from these investments are shared with its depositors according to agreed ratios.
This model has several important advantages over conventional banking. Because the bank's returns depend on the performance of its investments, it has strong incentives to select viable projects and provide ongoing monitoring and support — addressing the information asymmetry problems that plague conventional banking. Because depositors share in both profits and losses, the bank's capital base is not exposed to the sudden withdrawal risk that conventional banks face in crisis periods. And because the system is based on equity rather than debt, it does not generate the systemic leverage that amplifies economic crises in conventional financial systems.
Chapra also discusses the role of state banks and central banking in an Islamic monetary system. The central bank in an Islamic framework would play an important role in ensuring the money supply grows at a rate consistent with real economic growth, preventing both inflation and deflation, and ensuring equitable access to credit across all sectors of the economy. Chapra examines proposals for 100% reserve banking — in which commercial banks would hold full reserves against all deposits, eliminating the money creation problem — and evaluates them in light of Islamic principles.
The chapter addresses the challenge of transitioning from a conventional to an Islamic banking system — a challenge that involves not only legal and regulatory change but a fundamental reorientation of the expectations and behaviors of banks, depositors, and borrowers. Chapra advocates for gradual institutional development rather than sudden transition, recognizing that the development of genuine Islamic banking requires both the formal infrastructure and the human capital to operate it effectively.