Abbasid Dynasty Moderate 310 AH (923 CE)

Death of Imam al-Tabari

وفاة الإمام الطبري

Baghdad, Iraq

# Imam al-Tabari: The Scholar Who Recorded All of History and Quran

The Most Comprehensive Scholar of His Age

Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari (may Allah have mercy on him) was born in Amul, in the province of Tabaristan on the southern shore of the Caspian Sea (modern northern Iran), in approximately 224 AH / 839 CE. He died in Baghdad on 27 Shawwal, 310 AH / 923 CE, at approximately eighty-six years of age — a life of extraordinary length that he filled with scholarly production on a scale that has rarely been equaled in Islamic history and arguably never surpassed.

Al-Tabari left behind two works that are, by any measure, among the most important texts in Islamic civilization: Tarikh al-Rusul wal-Muluk (History of Prophets and Kings), the most comprehensive historical source for early Islamic history, and Jami' al-Bayan 'an Ta'wil Ay al-Quran (usually called Tafsir al-Tabari), the most authoritative and comprehensive classical commentary on the Quran. That a single scholar produced definitive works in both Islamic history and Quran commentary — disciplines that each demand a lifetime of specialist study — is remarkable enough. That the works he produced in both fields remained, a millennium later, as primary references for scholars working in those disciplines is extraordinary.

Early Formation: Travel in Pursuit of Knowledge

Al-Tabari's scholarly formation followed the pattern typical of his era's greatest scholars: intense early study in his home region, followed by extensive travel to the major centers of Islamic learning. He reportedly began his formal studies at age seven and memorized the Quran at that age. By twelve he was already leading prayers as imam, indicating both his knowledge and his perceived piety and reliability.

He traveled from Tabaristan to Ray, then to Baghdad (where he arrived around 236 AH), then to Basra and Kufa, then to Egypt, then to Syria. He sought out hadith scholars, Quran commentators, historians, and legal scholars across the Islamic world. He reportedly sat before Ahmad ibn Hanbal and was present at the end of that great scholar's life, though there is some uncertainty in the biographical accounts about whether he actually received directly from Ahmad or was present in Baghdad at that time.

In Egypt, which he visited twice, he received from some of the most important transmitters of the Malikite tradition — particularly those who preserved the oral tradition of Quranic commentary (tafsir) that traced back to the Companions. The Egyptian scholarly tradition was particularly rich in exegetical transmissions, and al-Tabari's Tafsir is notably well-supplied with Egyptian chains of transmission for the early Quran commentary material.

The Method: Total Comprehensiveness with Full Chains

Al-Tabari's methodology in both his major works was the same: collect everything, from everyone, with full chains of transmission, and present it without editorial suppression. This method was not a lack of critical judgment — al-Tabari was entirely capable of evaluating sources and did so — but a principled commitment to preserving the full range of transmitted knowledge so that future generations could make their own assessments.

In the Tafsir, this means that for virtually every verse of the Quran, al-Tabari presents all the relevant opinions transmitted from the Companions, the Tabi'un (second generation), and early scholars — each with its chain of transmission from al-Tabari through his teachers back to the original source. When opinions conflict, he evaluates them and typically gives his own conclusion, often introduced by the phrase "and the correct view in our opinion is..." (wal-sawab min al-qawl fi dhalk 'indana). He is willing to take positions and defend them. But he is equally committed to presenting what others said, because the preservation of the transmitted tradition is itself a scholarly obligation.

In the Tarikh (History), the same principle applies. Al-Tabari presents his historical accounts through chains of transmission — treating historical reports with the same methodological apparatus that the hadith sciences applied to prophetic traditions. He cites conflicting accounts of the same event, notes which sources report what, and often preserves the full text of documents and speeches rather than summarizing them. The result is a history that is in some respects awkward to read sequentially but is an incomparable archive of transmitted historical memory.

Tarikh al-Tabari: History from Creation to the Present

The full title — Tarikh al-Rusul wal-Muluk (History of Prophets and Kings) — reflects al-Tabari's scope: the history of the world from creation, through the prophets sent by Allah, through the pre-Islamic civilizations of Persia and the Byzantine world, through the lifetime of the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ, through the early Islamic period, and up to 302 AH — just a few years before al-Tabari's own death.

The famous anecdote about the Tarikh's composition has become part of Islamic scholarly legend. Al-Tabari reportedly told his students that he intended to write a complete history of the world and asked if they had the energy to transcribe it. They asked how long it would be. He said: "Thirty thousand pages." They responded that this was beyond human capacity to complete in a single lifetime. He said: "We belong to Allah, and to Allah we return. Truly, aspirations have died." He then condensed his plan and produced what we have — still an enormous work running to approximately thirteen large volumes in modern critical editions.

The Tarikh is indispensable for historians of the early Islamic period. Its accounts of the conquests (futuh), the caliphal successions, the major political events, and the social and administrative history of the first three centuries of Islam are often the only surviving witness to events that would otherwise be entirely lost. Al-Tabari's preservation of complete documents — letters between commanders, administrative orders, poetry composed at specific moments — provides a texture to early Islamic history that later sources, which often paraphrase or summarize, cannot match.

The Tarikh was translated from Arabic into Persian almost immediately after its composition by Bal'ami, who both translated and substantially expanded it — the Persian Tarikh-e Bal'ami became the vehicle through which al-Tabari's historical synthesis entered the Persian scholarly and literary tradition.

Tafsir al-Tabari: The Foundation of Quran Commentary

The Tafsir al-Tabari is, in the consensus of Islamic scholarship, the most important classical commentary on the Quran. This assessment does not mean that every subsequent scholar agrees with every opinion al-Tabari expresses — he has been critiqued, disagreed with, and refined by centuries of later commentators. But it means that his collection of the transmitted interpretations of the first two Islamic generations, with full chains, has never been surpassed as an archival resource, and that his own interpretive opinions represent the considered judgment of a scholar of the first rank.

The work is enormous: approximately thirty volumes in modern editions. For each verse or section of verses, it presents: the variant Quranic readings (qira'at) and their implications; the transmitted reports from Companions and Tabi'un about the occasion of revelation (asbab al-nuzul) where relevant; the range of interpretive opinions held by early authorities; discussion of the Arabic linguistic and grammatical features of the text; and al-Tabari's own preferred interpretation with his reasoning.

His linguistic approach is particularly noteworthy. Al-Tabari was deeply versed in classical Arabic poetry and used pre-Islamic and early Islamic poetry extensively to establish the authentic meanings of Quranic vocabulary — an approach he defends methodologically and applies consistently. For a word whose meaning is disputed, he will cite poetry from the pre-Islamic Arabs as evidence of the word's usage in a particular sense, arguing that the Quran was revealed in the language of the Arabs and should be understood accordingly.

His theological positions in the Tafsir align with the emerging Sunni consensus of his generation: he affirms the divine attributes without tawil (figurative interpretation), defends the authority of authentic hadith in determining Quranic meaning, and consistently criticizes Mu'tazilite interpretive approaches.

Few readers of al-Tabari's historical and exegetical works appreciate that he was also a significant legal scholar who founded his own madhab — the Jariri school, named after his nasab (lineage name, ibn Jarir). The Jariri school attracted followers for approximately a century after al-Tabari's death before gradually merging into other Sunni traditions, but during its period of active practice it was recognized as a fifth major Sunni legal school alongside the four that survive to this day.

Al-Tabari's legal methodology combined rigorous hadith scholarship with what he considered a more flexible approach to analogical reasoning than the Hanbali school and a more restrained approach to speculative reasoning than the Hanafi. He reportedly rejected certain hadiths accepted by other scholars on chain-of-transmission grounds, and accepted certain legal positions rejected by others based on his own hadith evaluations.

His famous dispute with the Hanbalis of Baghdad — specifically over whether raising the hands during prayer (raf' al-yadayn) at every movement or only at the opening takbir was the correct practice — became notorious enough that an angry crowd of Hanbali-leaning Baghdadis is reported to have surrounded his house and prevented him from leaving. This episode illustrates the intense social and political dimensions of legal disagreement in the Abbasid period, but it also reflects al-Tabari's willingness to take independent scholarly positions even when they generated opposition.

The Final Years and Death

Al-Tabari's final years in Baghdad were marked by continued productivity and some friction with the Hanbali popular movement. He spent his last years writing, teaching, and reportedly responding to questions from scholars across the Islamic world. He is said to have written approximately forty pages per day throughout his scholarly career — an output, maintained over six decades, that would account for his enormous preserved corpus.

He died on 27 Shawwal, 310 AH / February 17, 923 CE, in his home in Baghdad, and was buried in his house because the population was so agitated — reportedly by Hanbali-leaning crowds — that a public funeral procession was not possible. Later accounts note that scholars prayed over his grave for many months, indicating that the initial hostility from popular quarters did not represent the broader scholarly community's assessment.

Ibn Kathir records in al-Bidaya wa-l-Nihaya that al-Tabari was buried at night due to concerns about public disorder. The contrast between his burial and Ahmad ibn Hanbal's enormous public funeral — both men scholars of the first rank, both died in Baghdad, but one with a popular following and one without — reflects the complex social politics of Abbasid Baghdad, where scholarly excellence did not automatically translate into popular affection.

The Legacy: A Scholar Without Equal in His Scope

Al-Tabari's legacy in Islamic scholarship operates on multiple levels. As a historian, his Tarikh remains the primary source for the first three centuries of Islamic history; no serious historian of the early Islamic period can work without it. As an exegete, his Tafsir remains the first reference for the transmitted early interpretations of the Quran; every subsequent Quran commentary of significance has engaged with it, either building on al-Tabari's collection or situating itself in relation to his interpretive choices.

Later commentators drew on him extensively: Ibn Kathir's Tafsir al-Quran al-Azim is largely a selective and condensed version of al-Tabari's material, filtered through Ibn Kathir's own hadith-authentication standards and theological commitments. Al-Suyuti's al-Durr al-Manthur similarly draws heavily on the transmitted material that al-Tabari preserved.

For historians of the Arab world, the Persian world, and the Byzantine world in the seventh through ninth centuries, al-Tabari's Tarikh is simply indispensable — a document without which entire periods of history would be essentially unrecoverable. The great German orientalist Theodor Nöldeke led the academic edition of the Tarikh in Arabic (published by Brill in fifteen volumes, 1879-1901), and a complete English translation was produced under the editorship of Ehsan Yarshater over several decades, testament to the Tarikh's continued importance for scholars working in any language.

Sources:

  • Ibn Kathir, Ismail. al-Bidaya wa-l-Nihaya. Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, 1986. Vol. 11.
  • Al-Dhahabi, Shams al-Din. Siyar A'lam al-Nubala. Beirut: Mu'assasat al-Risalah, 1981-1988. Vol. 14.
  • Ibn Khallikan, Ahmad. Wafayat al-A'yan. Edited by Ihsan Abbas. Beirut: Dar Sadir, 1977. Vol. 4.
  • Al-Tabari, Muhammad ibn Jarir. Tarikh al-Rusul wal-Muluk. Edited by M.J. de Goeje et al. Leiden: Brill, 1879-1901. 15 vols.
  • Al-Tabari, Muhammad ibn Jarir. Jami' al-Bayan 'an Ta'wil Ay al-Quran. Edited by Ahmad Shakir. Cairo: Dar al-Ma'arif, 1954-1969. 30 vols.
  • Rosenthal, Franz. The History of al-Tabari. Vol. 1: General Introduction and From the Creation to the Flood. Albany: SUNY Press, 1989.
  • Gilliot, Claude. "Tabari." In Encyclopaedia of the Quran, edited by Jane Dammen McAuliffe. Leiden: Brill, 2006.

For the Prophetic era, see the Seerah timeline .