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Chapter 116 of 12783 min read
صلاح الدين الأيوبي - الفصل السادس عشر والمئة (ملخص)
of which had been agreed verbally in Dhul-Hijjah 581 AHl3 March 1186 CE. (This deal would continue to be in effect and Salah adDeen adhered to this deal and never changed it until he died. 1036) By means of this agreement, Salah ad-Deen was able to unite the Islamic front under his leadership and become the strongest Muslim ruler in the region. Now that this had been achieved, he had to strive to achieve the greater goal, which was to liberate Jerusalem and the rest of the Muslim lands from the Crusader invaders.1037
$aldJ:tad-Deen al-Ayubi Regarding the relationship between Salah ad-Deen and the Zangid dynasty: at a time when some historians among his contemporaries and certain modem researchers have expressed doubts about Salah ad-Deen's motives and his relationship with the Zangid dynasty, it may be stated that this doubt can be rendered baseless on the following counts: Salah ad-Deen was very eager in his correspondence with the Abbasid caliph to explain, in precise detail, the motives for his actions. The motive that was the justification for his actions always came back to the jihad against the Crusaders and the liberation of Jerusalem, as well as the urgent need to unite the Muslim ranks, for the purpose of developing jihad and succeeding in it. In his dealings with the Zangids, Salah ad-Deen was always generous after he defeated them in battle, as well as in the way he besieged them. After achieving the union of Egypt and Syria, and ensuring the support of Mosul, Salah ad-Deen immediately began to achieve his second goal which formed his main concern, which was to destroy the field army of the Latin kingdom and conquer Jerusalem. We shall see below that the first aim was achieved in the battle of Hattin, the outcome of which was impacted by his ability to mobilize a huge, united Islamic force at the right time and in the right place; the achievement of the second goal came after the battle of Hattin and as a result of his victory in that battle. 1038 One of the characteristics that distinguished Salah ad-Deen in the peace deal with Mosul was his generosity. It is recorded that he did not leave the Mosul region until he had given its ruler, his mother, his wife, the daughter of Noor ad-Deen, and a number of prominent men of state great gifts worth more than ten thousand dinars, in
Ismaili Shiite attempts to assassinate Salah ad-Deen $aW; ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims addition to horses, perfumes, unique gifts and clothing. Furthermore, after he had recovered from his illness, he travelled with his brother al- 'Adil at the beginning of 582 CE to Aleppo, then to Damascus, and he wrote to all his governors telling them to pay sadaqah.1039 In Damascus alone he paid sadaqah of five thousand Egyptian dinars. 1040 After the death of the Fatirnid caliph al-Mustansir in 487 AHI 1094 CE, the Ismaili sect split into two groups, one of which was the Nizaris who believed that al-Mustansir's oldest son Nizar was more entitled to become the caliph and who fled eastwards after they were faced with persecution in Egypt. They were led by al-Hasan ibn asSabbah who founded in Persia what was known as the Nizari group, whose followers were most commonly known as al-Hasheeshiyah (Assassins) or al-Batiniyah. The second group was al-Musta'Iiyah, the followers of al-Musta'li, the second son of al-Mustansir. Al-Hasan ibn as-Sabbah studied Ismaili doctrine in depth.1041 He Al-Hasan ibn al-Sabbah had grown up in Rey, in Persia, and was influenced in his youth by the Ismaili sect. He visited Egypt and met al-Mustansir.Y''' He remained in Egypt for about eighteen months, during which al-Mustansir showed him great warmth and hospitality, supported him with much money and property, and told him to promote him as imam in Persia. 1043 Al-Hasan ibn as-Sabbah thought that the appointment of Nizar as caliph was more in accordance with Ismaili teachings, which stipulated that the imam should be the oldest son of his father.1044 Undoubtedly al-Hasan ibn as-Sabbah's stay in Egypt allowed him to become acquainted with affairs in the Fatirnid state and the way the Ismaili sect had ended up under the control of
$aZdlJ,ad-Deen aZ-Ayubi Badr al-Jamali. He resolved to promote the cause of al-Mustansir in Persia and Khorasan, and strive to establish a purely Ismaili society. 1045 When he returned to Persia, he began to spread his message of support for Nizar, refusing to swear allegiance to al-Musta'li and regarding himself as the imam's deputy in planning to establish a new Ismaili state in the Muslim East. 1046After he returned to Persia and reached Isfahan in 473 AH, he began to preach in secret. When Nizam al-Mulk put increased pressure on him, he went to Qazvin1047 and took over Qal 'at al-Mawt ('the citadel of death'), making it a base for himself and his group.1048 The group expanded and spread mischief in the land.1049 Hardly had al-Hasan ibn as-Sabbah taken over Qal 'at al-Mawt when he hastened to capture neighbouring citadels too. He sent out his preachers to achieve this aim.1050 It was not long before as-Sabbah had taken over the entire region south of Qazvin, after gaining control of the citadels scattered throughout the area; there were nearly sixty such citadels, most of which were located in the midst of arable valleys and near reliable water sources. Each citadel was an independent military and economic unit whose inhabitants lived a self-reliant life, farming the land and defending the citadel and its surrounding area against any aggression or invasion.1051 During the era of Nizam al-Mulk as-Seljuki, Hasan as-Sabbah managed to direct his fanatically loyal followers to achieve political aims to the detriment of his opponents, especially the Sunni Abbasid caliphate, the legitimacy of which he challenged, in addition to opposing some of the Muslim Seljuk emirs. The main weapon he used was assassination.l'P'' His followers carried out a series of assassinations whose victims were many officials and emirs of the Abbasid state. They became a serious threat, and they grew strong; people feared them greatly and were filled with terror. Al-Hasan as- $alt'1/Jad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims Sabbah and his Ismaili Shiite followers harboured a great hatred towards Ahl as-Sunnah. The Shiite, Batini, Ismaili movement expanded and gained control of a number of important fortresses in Syria, such as Qudmoos, 'Aleefah, Kahf, Masyaf and others. It is clear that they were alarmed by the demise of the Fatimid caliphate and the victory of the Sunni madh-hab in Egypt, and they sensed the danger that was threatening them in Syria, especially since Noor ad-Deen Mahmood had limited their expansion towards the east. For that reason, in 558 AHll163 CE, the leadership in Qal 'at al-Mawt sent Rasheed ad-Deen Sinan al-Basri, who was known as Shaykh al-Jabal (the 'Old Man of the Mountain') to take charge of the district of an-Nusayriyah in Syria. He went to Aleppo disguised as a Sufi ascetic and remained there for a few months, then he moved between the Assassins' citadels until he settled in Masyaf.1053 First attempt by the Shiite Ismailis to assassinate Salah ad-Deen The Batini Shiites (the Assassins) resented Salah ad-Deen because he had toppled the Fatimid caliphate and had gone to Syria to unite it with Egypt, which posed a threat to their existence. So Rasheed ad-Deen cooperated with both the Crusaders and the Zangids to put an end to him. 1054 The full name of Rasheed ad-Deen, the tyrant leader of the Ismailis, was Abul-Hasan Sinan ibn Sulayman ibn Muharnmad al-Basri al-Batini, head of the Nizari sect of Ismailis.1055 He was a hard working, solid character who had studied philosophy and had experience of life; he was chivalrous, crafty, treacherous and sophisticated.i'P" Of him adh-Dhahabi remarked:
$ala/:lad-Deen al-Ayubi He was a disaster and a calamity, an ascetic and spiritual preacher. He would sit on a rock, moving nothing but his tongue. He influenced them and they exaggerated about him, and some of them thought that he was divine - may they perish, how ignorant they are! He deceived them with witchcraft and alchemy. He wrote many books and read widely, and he lived a long time.1057 In 570 AHl1174 CE, al-Malik as-Salih Isma'eel, at the instigation of Gumushtigin, sent word to Rasheed ad-Deen, asking him for help, and offered him a lot of money and a number of villages if he would kill Salah ad-Deen. It is clear that the interest that the two sides had in common was their enmity towards Salah ad-Deen. Rasheed ad-Deen sent a group of his commandos to the Ayubid camp, where they were discovered by an emir called Khamartigin. They killed him and reached Salah ad-Deen's tent in the middle of the camp. One of them attacked him to kill him, but was killed before he could do that, and the rest fought to defend themselves from being killed. It is unlikely that the incitement of Gumushtigin was the main or only motive for Rasheed ad-Deen to undertake this action, because he was working for his own reasons: since Salah ad-Deen had entered Syria, he had become the main enemy of Rasheed ad-Deen's movement, because he was striving to unite Ahl as-Sunnah there, which was a threat to the existence of his movement. 1058 The second attempt Rasheed ad-Deen did not stop his attempts to assassinate Salah ad-Deen despite the failure of the first attempt; rather his determination increased. In Dhul-Qa'dah 571 AHlMay 1176 CE, he sent a group of his followers, disguised as soldiers, to enter the Ayubid camp during the siege of the citadel of 'Azaz. They started $ald/:t ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims fighting alongside Salah ad-Deen's troops and mixing with them, looking for an opportunity to kill Salah ad-Deen. Whilst the troops were preoccupied with besieging the citadel, Salah ad-Deen passed by the tent of the emir Jadili al-Asadi, to encourage the troops to continue fighting. One of the Ismailis attacked him and struck him in the head with a knife, but Salah ad-Deen was wearing an iron helmet on his head. The man struck him again, on the cheek, and wounded him. Salah ad-Deen grabbed his arm and tried to stop him as he was continuing his attack and strike him, until the emir Sayf ad-Deen Yazkooj caught up with him and killed him. Then a second commando attacked Salah ad-Deen, but was confronted by Dawood ibn Manklan, who killed him. Then a third commando attacked him and tried to complete the mission, but he was intercepted by the emir 'Ali Abul-Fawaris, and was stabbed and killed by Nasir ad-Deen Muhammad ibn Shirkuh. A fourth came out of the tent and fled, but was pursued by the troops, who killed him. 1059 This sudden incident made Salah ad-Deen wary, to such an extent that he inspected all of his troops, and whoever he did not recognize he sent away, but whoever he recognized he kept with him. He was very concerned and took strict precautions. Of course this incident had an effect on the troops too, and they stopped fighting for 'Azaz, especially when it was rumoured that Salah ad-Deen had been killed. As a precaution, he built wooden towers around his tent, and al-Qadi al-Fadil sent a letter to reassure al-Malik al- 'Adil, the brother of Salah ad-Deen, that his brother was safe and telling him the details of what had really happened. 1060
SaW) ad-Deen al-Ayubi Salah ad-Deen's methods in teaching the Ismailis a lesson Salah ad-Deen sent word to Rasheed ad-Deen Sinful, threatening him. The Ismaili leader responded, saying: I read your letter carefully and we understand what you are threatening. By Allah, it is amazing: a fly buzzing in the ear of an elephant, and a mosquito that can do no harm to a statue. There were people before you who said that and we destroyed them, and they had no supporters. Are you fighting the truth and supporting falsehood? The wrongdoers should realize what will become of them. If you issue orders to cut off my head, and uproot my citadels which are built in strong mountains, that is just wishful thinking and imagination, because the essence cannot be destroyed by transient things and souls do not vanish because of sickness. If we look at it from without and stop talking about what is hidden, we have a good example in the Messenger of Allah: «No prophet was persecuted as I was.» 1061You know what happened to his family and supporters. It is still the same and is still going on. You know how we appear to be and how our men are, how they wish for death and how they are trying hard to draw close to the cistern of death. As the saying goes, are you threatening the duck with water? Prepare yourself for calamities and shield yourself against death. I shall send against you from you, 1062 and you will be like one who is looking for death by his own hands. That is not difficult for Allah. So watch out for yourself and read the beginning of (surah) an-Nahl and the end of (surah) -Sad.1063 After several failed assassination attempts, Salah ad-Deen took strict precautions, to the extent that he built wooden towers around $aliiJ:tad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims his tent. 1064 This incident had a far-reaching effect on the troops who became confused and stopped fighting for 'Azaz. The situation was chaotic for the people too, as it was rumoured throughout the land that Salah ad-Deen had been killed. At that point Salah ad-Deen was compelled to walk around among his troops so that the people could see him alive and well, and al-Qadi al-Fadil sent a letter to al-Malik al- 'Adil, the brother of Salah ad-Deen, reassuring him and telling him what had really happened. 1065 Salah ad-Deen decided to put an end to this movement, the danger of which had become apparent in Greater Syria. He prepared a military campaign in Muharram AHlAugust 1176 CE; he besieged their fortresses and set up large mangonels, killed and captured many of them, seized their cattle, wrecked their houses, destroyed their infrastructure, and inflicted severe damage on them, until his maternal uncle, Shihab ad-Deen Mahmood Tikshi, ruler of Hamah, interceded for them; they had been in contact with him because they were his neighbours. In the end, Salah ad-Deen left them alone after having taken revenge on them 1066 and breaking their grip on power. 1067 The Assassins were forced to come to an agreement with Salah ad-Deen after the failure of their repeated attempts to assassinate him and their inability to confront his forces. Hence they preferred for him to be neutral instead of a direct enemy to them. Whatever the case, after the peace treaty was concluded, the historical sources do not mention any friction between the two sides. Only Ibn al-Atheer, in one report, referred to their cooperation when Salah ad-Deen asked Rasheed ad-Deen Sinan to kill Richard the Lionhearted and Conrad of Montferrat, Count of Tyre, and promised to pay him in return for that. Sinan, however, was afraid that after Salah ad-Deen got rid of his enemies, he would be free to focus his attention on the Assassins and destroy them, so he just killed Conrad, and not Richard. 1068
$aia/:t ad-Deen al-Ayubi Salah ad-Deen's relationship with the Seljuks of Rum 'Izz ad-Deen Kilij Arslan IT (550-585 AHll155-1192 CE) was the sultan of the Seljuks of Rum. There was a conflict between him and the Byzantines which ended with his victory over the Byzantines at the battle of Myriokephalon in 571 AHl1176 CE. His victory had an effect on the Byzantine state, and this battle dealt the final blow to the Byzantine army. The historians state that this battle, the battle of Myriokephalon, determined the ultimate fate of Asia Minor and the east, as the Byzantines were no longer able to threaten Syria after that. 1069 First confrontation between Salah ad-Deen and Kilij Arslan 11 Kilij Arslan IT thought of Greater Syria and wanted to find a guaranteed route to the Euphrates, so he used a soft, diplomatic approach. He sent an envoy to Damascus who met with Salah adDeen and asked him for the fortresses of Ru'ban and Kaysoom, which were south of Kilij Arslan' s territory; Ru 'ban was a city on the border between Aleppo and Sumaysat, near the Euphrates, and was regarded as a major city;1070Kaysoom was a village on the outskirts of Sumaysat. 1071The envoy of Kilij Arslan came to make this request on the basis that they had previously belonged to the Seljuks of Rum and had been annexed by his father Mas'ood, but he had been forced to give them up to Noor ad-Deen Mahmood. This message angered and annoyed Salah ad-Deen, who spoke harshly to Arslan's envoy and even threatened Kilij Arslan IT. The envoy went back to Konya and told the sultan what had happened. Kilij Arslan got angry and attacked the fortress of Ru'ban in 575 AHll179 CE. This fortress was $aliilJ ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims ruled by Shams ad-Deen ibn al-Muqaddam on behalf of Salah adDeen. Kilij Arslan attacked it with a large force of several thousand men. When Salah ad-Deen found out about it, he sent a force of one thousand horsemen led by al-Muzaffar Taqi ad-Deen 'Umar ibn Shahinshah, ruler of Hamah. 1072 He set out with his troops and when he drew near the Seljuk camp, he went around it to reconnoitre, and it seemed to him that Arslan' s army was relaxed and unaware of danger, so he took advantage of this opportunity and left some of his troops around the camp with musical instruments, trumpets and the like, whilst he and the other part of his troops prepared to launch a surprise attack on the camp. At the appointed time, he gave the signal for the musicians to start playing music and making sounds that created a loud noise like running feet. When the Seljuk soldiers heard this uproar, with the sounds of music and men running, the clash of iron and the galloping feet of horses, all around the camp, they panicked and thought they were surrounded by a huge number of soldiers and were plunged into chaos. Then they began to flee, looking for escape, leaving behind their tents and loads. At that moment they were ambushed by al-Muzaffar Taqi ad-Deen 'Umar and his horsemen, who began killing and capturing them as they were fleeing heedless of everything. He took as booty all that they had left behind, but he took pity on the captives and let them go. Kilij Arslan returned to Malatya1073 with his tail between his legs.1074 Second confrontation between Salah ad-Deen and Kilij Arslan II One year after these events, the conflict between Salah adDeen and Kilij Arslan IT resumed. This time, family issues were at the root of this conflict. Kilij Arslan IT had established political ties with
SaId!; ad-Deen al-Ayubi the rulers of Hasankeyf, and reinforced these ties by giving his daughter Seljukah Khatun in marriage to Noor ad-Deen Muhammad ibn Qara Arslan, ruler of Hasankeyf. Kilij Arslan II gave him many fortresses adjacent to his land as a dowry. After a while, Noor adDeen Muhammad fell in love with a singer, and he married her and neglected his Seljuk wife. She wrote and complained to her father, who sent word to him: either treat her well or divorce her. Noor adDeen paid no heed. At that point Kilij Arslan II decided to launch a military campaign against Noor ad-Deen Muhammad, to teach him a lesson and capture his land. Noor ad-Deen sought the help of Salah adDeen, who sent word to Kilij Arlsan, asking him to give up his attempt against the emirate of Hasankeyf. However, he replied that he had given Noor ad-Deen Muhammad a number of fortresses adjacent to his land when he gave his daughter to him in marriage, and he had behaved very badly with his daughter, so he had decided to take back those fortresses. Envoys went back and forth between the two men without achieving any results, so Salah ad-Deen had no choice but to head towards Anatolia at the head of his army, to stand up to Kilij Arslan II. He was joined by Noor ad-Deen Muhammad and went to Tell Bashir, which is a fortified citadel north of Aleppo.'?" Then he marched on to Ru'ban. When Kilij Arslan II realized that Salah ad-Deen had come, he feared defeat and immediately sent one of his senior assistants, the emir Ikhtiyar ibn 'Afras, to explain the situation, and that he had no alternative but to discipline Noor ad-Deen Muhammad for his behaviour. This contact led to a meeting between the three parties: Noor ad-Deen, Kilij Arslan and Salah ad-Deen in Jumada I 576 AHlOctober 1180 CE.1076 After extensive negotiations, Salfih ad-Deen insisted on his view and threatened to march on Malatya and the Seljuk lands if Kilij Arslan persisted in teaching Noor ad-Deen
Salah ad-Deen's relationship with the Abbasid caliphate !ialalJ ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims Muhammad a lesson. During his stay in the Ayubid camp, the Seljuk emir had seen the strength of Salah ad-Deen and the number of his weapons and mounts, and he was overwhelmed by it. Hence he made a concerted effort to explain the matter from a religious point of view. Salah adDeen was finally convinced by his words, and they agreed that Noor ad-Deen Muhammad would divorce the singer within a year, and that if he did not do that, then Salah adDeen would cooperate with Kilij Arslan II to fight him. All the emirs of Mosul and Diyarbakir and the Artuks agreed to this deal. It seems that there was a two-party agreement on the side between Salah ad-Deen and the Seljuk emir, to the effect that Salah ad-Deen would help the Seljuks in their war against the Armenians in Cilicia, who were attacking Seljuk lands. The evidence for this is that Salah ad-Deen attacked the Armenian lands immediately after signing the deal and before going back to Syria.1077 Whatever the case, this Ayubid-Seljuk friction would reflect badly to some extent on the relationship between the two sides in the future, and was manifested in the alliances that were formed between Salah ad-Deen and the Byzantine emperor Isaac Angelos on the one hand, and between Kilij Arslan II and the 'Holy Roman' Emperor Frederic Barbarossa on the other.1078 Salah ad-Deen's relationship with the Abbasid caliphate was never bad and never deteriorated to the level of enmity, although it may have grown cool on occasion. If we study Salah ad-Deen we see
$aldl].ad-Deen al-Ayubi that he was connected to the Abbasid caliphate because of his connection to the Zangids. The Zangid leader Noor ad-Deen Mahmood loved the Abbasid caliph al-Mustadi' because he was convinced of the Sunni 'aqeedah; hence he strove to support and respect the caliph. The caliph reciprocated these feelings by sending to Noor ad-Deen the cloaks and symbols of authority and encouraging the emirs in the provinces to support him against the Crusaders.1079 Hence Salah ad-Deen started on good terms with the Abbasid caliphate when he was the vizier of the Fatirnid caliph al- 'Adid in 567 AHl1171 CE. Salah ad-Deen took an important step in his relationship with the Abbasids when he stopped Friday sermons in the name of the Fatirnid caliph and established these sermons on the pulpits of Egypt in the name of the Abbasid caliph, as an expression of his obedience and loyalty to the Abbasid caliph.1080 When Noor ad-Deen Mahmood died and the Crusaders took advantage of the chaotic situation in Syria and attacked, Salah adDeen sent word to the Abbasid caliph, telling him of the political situation in Syria and the attack of the Crusaders on Muslim lands. He also told him of his efforts to put an end to the Fatirnid caliph ate in Egypt, restoring Friday sermons in the name of the Abbasids, standing up to the Crusaders when they attacked Alexandria, and the reasons why he had annexed Yemen. After this lengthy letter in which he listed his achievements which confirmed his support and loyalty to the Abbasid caliph, Salah ad-Deen requested the caliph to bestow official authority upon him, including Egypt, the Magbreb, Yemen, Syria and in all the lands that were ruled by Noor ad-Deen . ...and in all the lands that Allah may grant in conquest to the Abbasid state by our swords and those of our troops. Anyone whom we appoint as our successors, brother or son, will also be guaranteed the same from the Abbasids, that this blessing will continue and their authority will be reinforced.I081 $ald/J ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims This letter from Salah ad-Deen, and its consequences, contributed to the building of Salah ad-Deen's state. The caliph responded to his request and bestowed upon him the rule of Egypt and Syria. The Abbasid caliph saw in him the character that would be necessary in the person who would fill the gap left by Noor ad-Deen Mahmood after he died. This prompted him to acknowledge Salah ad-Deen's authority because he had become, in his view, the only person who could defend the Muslims. This bestowal of authority, in addition to other factors - such as the caliphate's sending him the symbols of authority and recognition whilst he was besieging Hamah in 570 AH/1174 CE - played a role in increasing Salah ad-Deen's stature in the eyes of the Muslim emirs, and those of the Crusaders, who began to be worried about his ascent. This good relationship with the Abbasid caliphate benefitted SalaI:tad-Deen in his conflict with the Muslim emirs who were opposed to him and who had ambitions of gaining power, especially the Zangids. Hence he always kept the caliphs informed of his achievements and victories, and explained the motive behind his success as being his enthusiasm for the caliph ate and his loyalty and sense of belonging to it, and his support for its continued existence.1082 The relationship (between Salah ad-Deen and the Abbasid caliphate) at the time of the caliph al-Mustadi' was particularly strong. Death of the caliph al-Mustadi' bi Amr-Illah 575 AH Abu Muharnmad al-Hasan ibn al-Mustanjid Billah Yoosuf ibn al-Muqtafi Muhamrnad ibn al-Mustazhir Ahmad ibn al-Muqtadi alHashimi al-'Abbasi became caliph upon the death of his father in Rabee' I 566 AH. The swearing of allegiance to him was arranged by ~======~ L
$ataIJ ad-Deen al-Ayubi 'Adud ad-Deen Abul-Faraj, the son of the 'chief of chiefs', who appointed him as vizier on that day. He was a man of forbearance, deliberation, compassion, kindness and charity. Ibn al-Jawzi noted in Al-Muntadham fee Tdreekli al-Umam: Allegiance was sworn to him, and there was a call for abolition of levies and restoration of rights. He showed justice and generosity such as we had never seen in our lifetimes, and he distributed a great amount of wealth to the Hashimis.1083 Ibn al-Jawzi explained: During his caliphate the 'Ubaydi state in Egypt fell; Friday sermons were given in his name there and much good was done. The markets were closed for the celebration and tents were set up. I wrote a book called An-Nasr 'ala Misr (Victory over Egypt) and presented it to al-Imam al-Mustadi,.1084 Friday sermons were given in his name in Yemen, Barqah, Tawzar and the land of the Turks and kings submitted to his authority. He would summon Ibn al-Jawzi and tell him to preach so that he could hear him; he was inclined towards the Hanbali madhab. By means of his authority, Shiism was weakened in Baghdad and Egypt, the Sunnah prevailed and there was security.1085 Al-Mustadi's sickness began at the end of Shawwal 575 AH; his wife wanted to conceal it but could not manage to do so, and there was great turmoil in Baghdad in which the masses looted and plundered a great deal of wealth. On Friday 220d Shawwal, the khutbah was given in the name of the heir Abul-' Abbas Ahmad ibn al-Mustadi', who became known as the caliph an-Nasir li Deen-Illah. It was a great day on which gold was given to the khateebs and muezzins and those who were present when his name was mentioned on the minbar. His sickness with a fever began on the day of Eid alFitr, and continued to worsen until he had been ill for a month, and he died at the end of Shawwal, at the age of thirty-nine. SaId/:!ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims His caliphate lasted for nine years, three months and seventeen days. The caliph's body was washed and the funeral prayer was offered for him the next day; he was buried in Dar an-Nasr which he had built, in accordance with his last wishes. He left behind two sons, the first of whom was his heir Abul- 'Abbas Ahmad an-Nasir li DeenIllah; the second was Abu Mansoor Hashim, for whom many prominent people worked as vizier. Al-Mustadi' had been one of the best caliphs, who enjoined what is good and forbade what is evil, relieved the people of levies and taxes, and protected them from innovations and evildoing; he was forbearing, dignified and noble. May Allah be pleased with him and bless him and make Paradise his abode. Allegiance was sworn to his son an-Nasir who became caliph after him. 1086 Salah ad-Deen's relationship with the Abbasid caliphate after al-Mustadi' The Abbasid caliph al-Mustadi' Billah died and was succeeded by his son Abul-tAbbas Ahmad, who took the title of anNasir li Deen-Illah. Salah ad-Deen swore allegiance to him and sent an envoy to Baghdad to offer condolences on the death of his father and to congratulate him on the occasion of his accession to the caliphate.1087 During this same period, Sayf ad-Deen Ghazi I, ruler of Mosul, also died and was succeeded by his brother 'Izz ad-Deen Mas 'ood I. Salah ad-Deen wrote to the caliph asking him to keep his authority as it had been during his father's days.1088 An-Nasir li Deen-Illah responded to Sal&Qad-Deen's request and sent Shaykh ash-Shuyookh Sadr ad-Deen Abul-Qasim 'Abd ar-
Said/:!ad-Deen al-Ayubi Shihab ad-Deen Basheer al-Khadim with the new appointment and confirmation, in RajablDecember, and gave him beautiful titles as aI-MaIik aI-AjaII as-Sayyid (Most Majestic Patron Lord), Salah ad-Deen, Nasir al-Islam (Saviour of Islam), 'Imad ad-Dawlah (Pillar of the State), Fakhr al-Millah (Pride of the People), Safiyy al-Khilafah (Purifier of the Caliphate), Taj al-Mulook was-Salateen (Crown of Kings and Sultans), Qami' al-Kufrati waIMushrikeen (Resister against Unbelievers and Polytheists), Qahir alKhawarij waI-Murtaddeen 'an al-Mujahideen (Powerful against the Heretics, for the Mujahidin), Al Ghazi Yoosuf ibn Ayub, may Allah keep him held in high esteem.1089 He commanded him to fear Allah and adhere to regular prayer, to join prayers in congregation and frequent the mosque, to keep away from haram things, to treat people with kindness and justice, guard the borders, to strive injihad against non-Muslim enemies and to rely on religiously committed and decent people in running the affairs of the country. Then he reminded him of the obligation to show gratitude to the caIiphate for the support and respect it had bestowed upon him. 1090 Salah ad-Deen was reassured by the caliph's support and his letter was well received. He wrote back to him saying: Your servant says: Praise be to Allah as much as the good deeds in Islam. The Abbasid state could not continue with the support of a man like Abu Muslim in the early days who showed support then turned away, and not by a man who came recently like Tughrul Beg, who also showed support then turned away. Your servant disavowed himself from anyone who disputed with the caliph ...he broke the idols of the Biuiniyah with his sword. 1091 Sermons were given in his name in all the lands belonging to him, and on all special occasions the sermon-givers wore the symbols of the Abbasid state and flew its black flags. 1092 $aldl:t ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims In return, the caliph refused to give the black cloaks and turbans to any emir who came under Salah ad-Deen's rule, out of respect and appreciation for him, and so as to distinguish him from others. For example, in 578 AHll182 CE, he refused to give the emir Jamal ad-Deen Khoshtareen, who had fled from Mosul and wanted to join Salah ad-Deen, a black cloak and turban when he requested that.1093 This is indicative of the caliph's desire to maintain a good relationship with Salah ad-Deen.1094 Nevertheless, the Abbasid caliph did not give him authority over the province of Mosul, although Salah ad-Deen had sent a number of letters to Baghdad explaining that he needed to gain authority over the emirate of Mosul. This request was not met, despite the fact that he was given authority over the emirate of Amid in Diyarbakir.1095 Mosul was regarded as very close to the borders of the caliphate, which may have provoked the caliph's fears. The historians say that the reason Caliph an-Nasir did not give him authority over Mosul may have been that he was worried by the expansion of Salah ad-Deen's power to lands that were close to the caliphate, such as Mosul and Mesopotamia. During Salah ad-Deen's conflict with Sayf ad-Deen Ghazi, the ruler of Mosul, Salah ad-Deen responded to the caliph's wishes and withdrew from Sinjar. Salah ad-Deen overlooked this attitude with a gentle remark to the caliph, but he continued to obey him, correspond with him and inform him of his achievements and actions one by one, especially the battle of Hattin, and he addressed him saying, "Your servant announces the news of this great victory ...'.1096 The caliph trusted Salah ad-Deen and expressed his appreciation for his sincerity in the form of gifts that he sent to him after the conquest of Jerusalem. Among these gifts was a plaque on which were engraved some Qur'anic verses, which was to be placed above the gate of Jerusalem; also engraved upon it was the following:
$aliif:zad-Deen al-Ayubi This victory was achieved at the hands of the reviver of his state and the sword of his victory, the one who is obedient to him and sincere in his devotion, the mujahid who fights under his banner, Yoosuf ibn Ayub, the supporter of Ameer alMu'mineen.Y" Rumour-mongers tried to cause trouble between the caliph and Salah ad-Deen al-Ayubi after the battle of Hattin;1098 this will be discussed in the appropriate place below, in sha' Allah. Salah ad-Deen's relationship with the Byzantine state The Emperor Manuel Komnenos was one of the most hostile towards Salah ad-Deen and the Muslims. He was an ally of the Crusaders, but when Andronikos Komnenos became Emperor in 578 AHll182 CE, things changed; he formed a strong relationship with Salah ad-Deen, based on the common interests that they shared. His main enemies were the Seljuks, who had destroyed the Byzantine army in the battle of Myriokephalon at the end of 571 AHll176 CE. The Byzantines also despised the Latin Crusaders and the Italians because of their domination of Byzantine affairs and economy which made Andronikos Komnenos draw closer to ~alill). ad-Deen. This rapprochement was aimed at preserving their common interests against the Latin Crusaders in general and the Seljuks in particular. Western Europe regarded this close relationship as a violation of the religious ties between them and the Byzantines and a breaking of all traditions, because wars between the Islamic and Byzantine sides had been almost continual since the emergence of Islam. Despite this, Andronikos Komnenos and his successor Isaac ITAngelos changed this policy and established ties with Salah ad-Deen, the greatest enemy of the Crusaders; in fact, they both tried hard to destroy the $aIaI;ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims Crusader principalities in the east.1099 That was preceded by a personal rapprochement when Andronikos Komnenos was banished after his dismissal as ruler of Cilicia in 1168 CE. He fled to Damascus, where he was received kindly by Noor ad-Deen Mahmood. Andronikos Komnenos laid the foundations for this relationship when he sent his envoy to Salah ad-Deen in 581 AHI 1185 CE, offering to form an alliance with him on several issues, the most important of which were: o Salah ad-Deen was to show loyalty and support to Andronikos Komnenos as emperor o Both sides were to cooperate against the Seljuks, and once Asia Minor was captured from the Seljuks it was to be added to the Empire's possessions o Andronikos Komnenos promised to help Salah ad-Deen in his conflict against the Crusaders in Syria. Before Salah ad-Deen could even respond to these conditions, however, Andronikos Komnenos was deposed and killed in Jumada II 581 AHlSeptember 1185 CE, and Isaac II Angelos became emperor (1185-1195 CE)YoO Salah ad-Deen wanted to continue friendly relations with the Emperor Isaac II Angelos, in response to the latter's wish, as he thought it essential to maintain this relationship in order to confront his enemies, namely the Normans in Sicily, who were threatening the capital of Constantinople, the Crusaders in Syria and the Seljuks in Asia Minor. So he confirmed the previous deal with Andronikos Komnenos after Salah ad-Deen modified some of the conditions in a way that suited his strength and position, and could not be matched by the declining power of the Byzantines.U'"
Sallif} ad-Deen al-Ayubi This agreement angered the Crusaders in the East, and Raymond, the Count of Tripoli, resorted to capturing Alexius and putting him in prison. Alexius, the Emperor's brother, had been travelling from Damascus to Constantinople and was still a guest of Salah ad-Deen, when he was passing through Acre in 582 AHll186 CE. The Emperor Isaac sought the help of Salah ad-Deen and urged him to attack the Crusaders and put pressure on them to release his brother. The following year, the Emperor attacked the island of Cyprus so as to reduce the pressure on Salah ad-Deen, but the Byzantine forces were subjected to defeat and the Byzantine fleet was destroyed. In the meantime, Salah ad-Deen attacked the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, taking advantage of events in order to achieve his primary goal, which was to strike the Crusaders. Salah ad-Deen managed to conquer Jerusalem and the coastal cities; he released Alexius, who returned to Constantinople. After Salah ad-Deen defeated the Crusaders, he sent messengers to the Byzantine Emperor bearing gifts and telling him of the victories and successes that he had achieved. The emperor hosted Salah ad-Deen's envoys in a palace in the centre of the capital, and renewed his alliance with Salah ad_Deen.1102 The emperor sent a similar message and Salah ad-Deen received the two Byzantine envoys in Dhul-Qa'dah 583 AHll188 CE, a few days after lifting the siege on Tyre, in the presence of his sons, emirs and officials. In his letter, Isaac IT Angelos praised Salah ad-Deen for his efforts to secure the release of his brother and expressed his gratitude. Salah ad-Deen asked the envoys about the situation in the empire, and perhaps the most important news that this delegation brought was that there had been a call for a new Crusade in the west. Salah ad-Deen was already aware of this news; thus the sincerity of Isaac 11became apparent. Salah ad-Deen sensed that Isaac IT was very upset by this news, and he wanted some guarantee of help from Isaac IT whilst the Crusader
Salah ad-Deen's relationship with the Crusaders before Hattin Said!; ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims campaign was crossing his land. since this was as the expected route for a land campaign from Europe. Hence when the two Byzantine envoys returned home, he sent with them envoys of his own to negotiate with the Emperor for a military alliance between the Ayubid and Byzantine states to confront the Crusader invasion. Among the gifts that Salah ad-Deen sent to Isaac II Angelos was a minbar to be set up in the mosque of Constantinople, with a request for him to ensure its maintenance and to keep Islamic rituals alive in the Byzantine capital. Likewise, Isaac II Angelos expressed his desire that care be taken of Greek rituals in the churches of Palestine.1103 We will discuss the Ayubid-Byzantine relations during the Third Crusade in detail below, in sha' Allah. Salah ad-Deen aimed to unite Egypt and Greater Syria in order to achieve victory over the Crusaders. At the same time, he realized that resisting and engaging the Crusaders could not wait until complete union was achieved. Hence he relied on a strategy of working on these two goals, the aim of unity and the aim of resisting the Crusaders, by making the most of any circumstances that might be helpful in resisting the Crusaders. In the midst of all that, Salah adDeen did not neglect to follow certain strategies, including the following: He worked to increase fortifications in the areas under his control in Egypt and Syria, whether that was by increasing his military forces and paying attention to their two sections, on land and on sea, or by working on building fortresses and citadels that would give him and his forces better protection or make them lookout points where he could keep a watch on Crusader fortifications. So he paid attention to _____________________________
$ald/J ad-Deen al-Ayubi fortifying Cairo, Alexandria and Damietta, and he built fortresses in Greater Syria such as the citadel of 'Ajloon. For the same reason he tried to gain control of the citadels and fortresses that were under Crusader control, and strove to prevent or block the Crusaders' efforts to build citadels and fortresses that could threaten Muslim areas. He strove to form agreements with anyone who could affect the Crusaders' supply lines, and that would have a positive effect on the Islamic front economically and militarily. The focus in this regard was on the Italian merchant cities. He even resorted to entering into truces with some of the Crusaders in order to be able to focus on fighting others, taking advantage of the Crusaders' situation and the disputes between them, especially that between the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the County of Tripoli. Salah ad-Deen took advantage of these truces in order to focus on completing military fortifications or working to achieve complete unity, because circumstances did not allow him to fight on more than one front at the same time. 1104 In order to achieve this, Salah ad-Deen benefited from circumstances that favoured the interests of the Islamic front that was heading towards unity, at a time when the Crusader front was on the decline, according to the historian Robert Payne. Salah ad-Deen also benefited from the spirit of jihad which began to take shape clearly from the time of 'Imad ad-Deen Zangi and his son Noor ad-Deen after him. When speaking of the battles that Salah ad-Deen al-Ayubi fought against the Crusaders during this period, we should realize that there were many battles in more than one location, but this stage did not reach the level of all-out war with the Crusaders. 1 105 Several important battles were fought. SaW}; ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims Crusader raids against Salah ad-Deen's possessions 570-572 AH The first task that Raymond III set for himself as regent of Jerusalem was to stop the growth of Salah ad-Deen's power and prevent him from annexing Aleppo. Hence the Crusaders launched continuous raids on his possessions during the confrontation between him and the Zangids. These raids had little impact and were limited geographically, however, because the Crusaders themselves were in a state of turmoil. 1106In Muharram 571 AHl1175 CE, the Crusader king Baldwin IV took advantage of the fact that Salfih ad-Deen was distracted and had to cool things down in his conflict with the Crusaders in order to focus on fighting Sayf ad-Deen Ghazi, ruler of Mosul, so that he would not be fighting on two fronts at the same time, namely the Zangids in the north and east and the Crusaders in the south and west. Therefore he renewed the truce with the Kingdom of Jerusalem,1107 but the Crusaders broke the truce in the following year, in the midst of the ongoing conflict between Salah ad-Deen and the Zangids. They attacked the lands that were under Salah adDeen's control and Raymond Ill, ruler of Tripoli, attacked the Bekaa region, at a time when the royal army marched from the south, led by the king and Humphrey of Toron. It seems that Raymond III was defeated by Ibn al-Muqaddim the emir of Baalbek, but the two Crusader armies joined together and confronted Shams ad-Dawlah Turanshah, Salah ad-Deen's brother and deputy in Damascus, at 'Anjar in the Bekaa; he had gone out to save Baalbek but this confrontation was not decisive. Hardly had Salfih ad-Deen arrived from the north when the Crusaders withdrew from the area. He did not pursue them; he preferred to go back to Egypt, leaving his brother Turanshah in Damascus.P'"
$atal:tad-Deen al-Ayuhi The Crusaders raid Horns and Hamah Undoubtedly the Crusaders lost a golden opportunity to strike at Salah ad-Deen in Egypt, at the time when he had not yet consolidated his position in northern Syria, because circumstances were ripe for them after the Byzantine Emperor had put all his efforts into making the campaign succeed. Time would tell that this opportunity was one that would never be repeated for the Crusaders after that.l109 The joint Crusader-Byzantine venture against Egypt had failed, but that did not prevent the Crusaders from benefitting from the Dutch campaign against the Muslim lands that were controlled by Salah ad-Deen in Syria. On 4 Rabee' I 572 AHlll September 1176 CE, Salah ad-Deen left Syria for Egypt, after making a peace deal with al-Malik as-Salih Isma'eel, ruler of Aleppo.l+'" Baldwin IV took advantage of this opportunity, and repeated his request to Phillip of Alsace to attack the Muslim forces that were concentrated on the eastern borders of the principalities of Edessa and Tripoli. The latter agreed to his request; he left Jerusalem in Rabee ' II 573 AHlend of October 1177 CE, heading north to help Raymond Ill, Count of Tripoli, and Bohemond Ill, Prince of Antioch, based on their request, as they viewed it possible to achieve something in the absence of Salah ad-Deen. The king supplied one hundred knights and two thousand foot soldiers.1111 One detachment of the army raided Horns, but was ambushed and lost all the booty it had acquired. In the meantime, Phillip and Raymond Ill, with their forces, raided Hamah, which almost fell, were it not that the Muslims stood firm in defending it and repelled them, frustrated, after a siege that lasted for four days without achieving anything. 1112 It seems that the drought which affected the area in that year was one of the reasons for this raid. In the letter which was written by al-Qadi al-Fadil to be sent to $alalJ,ad-Deen. al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims Baghdad, and signed by Salah ad-Deen, there is an indication to that effect: The disbelievers came out to Syria, breaking the deal that they had agreed to, and committing an act of blatant treachery, thinking that they would be able to finish off Syria because it was suffering from drought, and they besieged Hamah on Monday, 21 Jumada 1.1113 Raid on Harim Harim was a city located east of the Orontes, twelve miles from Antioch. The Prince of Antioch, Bohemond Ill, asked Phillip of Alsace to launch an attack against the city of Harim, and promised to help him. So Phillip headed towards Harim, accompanied by Raymond Ill. At that time Harim was under the rule of Gumushtigin, the former atabeg of al-Malik as-Salih Isma'eel. It was in a state of internal turmoil because its people supported Gumushtigin, who was engaged in a dispute with al-Malik as-Salih Isma 'eel. 1114 Harim was besieged by the Crusaders at the beginning of Jumada II/November, whereupon the people of Harim forgot about their differences and resisted the siege, which lasted for four months; their resistance was courageous. At the same time, the people of Aleppo started to launch raids on nearby Crusader lands. As-Salih Isma'eel sent a detachment which penetrated the Crusader lines and joined the city garrison in Hanm.11l5 At this time, Salah ad-Deen set out from Egypt to attack the Kingdom of Jerusalem which had no one to defend it, and the Crusaders were afraid that the Aleppans would seek his help. They also decided to help the Kingdom of Jerusalem, but al-Malik as-Salih Isma' eel negotiated for a lifting of the siege in return for payment of a sum of money. He also warned them that he would hand the city over to Salah ad-Deen, so the Crusaders ended their siege and failed to capture the city. 1116
$aliif:tad-Deenal-Ayubi The Battle of Ramlah This battle was a bitter experience for Salah ad-Deen, but perhaps he learned from it that it was a mistake to take on the Crusaders before achieving unity among the Muslims. By unifying the Muslims, he would gain access to a huge power that was willing to make sacrifices in order to destroy the potential enemy force, in addition to the fact that he would be able to move his army within a large area. Salal; ad-Deen had annexed a significant part of Greater Syria into his state, along with Egypt, since he headed to Damascus in 570 AHll174 CE, he had then annexed Horns, Hamah and Harim; nevertheless, there was still a large area that lay beyond his authority.1117 After Salah ad-Deen returned to Egypt in 572 AHll176 CE, he decided to launch a campaign against the Crusaders. He set out from Cairo with twenty thousand warriors 1118 in Jumada I 573 AHI November 1177 CE and camped at the Egyptian city of Bilbeis, ten parasangs from the city of Fustat on the road to Syria. 1119Then he headed towards the southern part of Palestine and camped at Ascalon, which was under Crusader occupation; there he managed to capture some Crusaders and issued orders that they be executed.1120 Salah ad-Deen did not encounter any resistance worth mentioning from the enemy, so his troops went about freely, raiding villages and collecting booty. Then Salah ad-Deen gathered some of his troops and advanced with them towards the town of Rarnlah, near the coast, which was one of the largest cities of Palestine at that time.1121They were faced with the river of Tell as-Safiyah, so they spread out looking for a suitable place to cross it. Whilst they were doing so, a force of Crusaders attacked them before they could organize themselves. It seems that the Crusaders had been watching their movements and took them by surprise at the right time. Their
At the time when the enemy came close, some soldiers thought that the right flank should move to the left and the left flank to the core, so that the hill in Ramlah would be behind them and not in front of them; whilst they were busy doing this, the enemy attacked them. 1126 $aliiJ:tad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims leader was the infamous Reynald de Chatillon, who was supported in his mission by Baldwin Ill, King of Jerusalem.1122 At that moment there was no one with Salah ad-Deen except a few of his emirs and troops, because most of them had gone off in pursuit of booty. 1123 The confrontations began and the troops of Salah ad-Deen gathered, and fought the Crusaders. Some of Salah ad-Deen's commanders and close companions did well, especially Taqi adDeen 'Umar and his son Ahmad, and Diya' 'Eesa al-Hakari and his brother Dhaheer ad-Deen. They were taken captive and remained in captivity for two years, then Salah ad-Deen ransomed al-Faqeeh 'Eesa for sixty thousand dinarsY24 Taqi ad-Deen 'Umar went forward and began to fight courageously before his uncle and killed a number of Crusaders. Then his son Ahmad went forward and showed a great deal of courage, killing a number of the enemy, and returned to his father. His father told him to go back again, saying to him, "Go back, Ahmad, for going back (into battle) is good." So he went back and fought them and was martyred. 1125 Despite their bravery the Muslims could not withstand the attack. Salah ad-Deen spoke of the defeat, and how the change in the position of the troops and the flanks of the army led to this regrettable outcome: Reasons for the defeat in the Battle of Ramlah There were several factors that led to the defeat of the Ayubid forces in this battle:
Said/:!ad-Deen al-Ayubi o The Crusaders surprised the Ayubid army at the right time, whilst they were dispersed and before they could organize themselves. o This surprise attack led to confusion in the ranks and flanks of the Ayubid army, and the scattering of their commanders, so they resorted to individual combat which was of no benefit in that situation. o Salah ad-Deen disappeared from sight until it was thought that he had been killed. o The Ayubid army was far from its supply lines and cut off from supplies and water. 1127 What confmns the extent of this great loss that befell the Ayubid army in this battle was what the historians said about this defeat: It was a setback which Allah compensated only with the battle of Hattin. 1128In this battle, most of those who were with Salah adDeen were killed, wounded or captured,1129 but amazingly he emerged unscathed. After the defeat was complete, one of the Crusaders charged at him and got so close that he almost reached him, but the Crusader was killed in front of him. The Franks piled up against Salah ad-Deen and he fled, marching a little then pausing, so that his troops could catch up with him, until night fell. He travelled by land and continued with a small group until he reached Egypt. They met with a great deal of hardship along the way: they began to run out of food and water, and their mounts died from hunger, thirst and being ridden too fast. 1130 On the way to Egypt, Salah ad-Deen vanished from sight, which created fear in the ranks. Al-Qadi al-Fadil set out with some of his companions to look for him, and he sent them into the middle of the desert until they found him and helped him with the supplies that they were carrying, then the caravan reached Cairo in the middle of $aLaIJ ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims Jumada IT 573 AHlDecember 1175 CE.I131 But news of his being safe and sound had reached Cairo on fast camelsl132 before he himself arrived, so as to put a stop to anyone who might be thinking of rebelling against his rule, especially the supporters of the Fatimids. In order to confirm that he was still alive, when he arrived in Cairo, carrier pigeons carried the good news to all parts of Egypt, to put people's minds at rest.1133 The battle of Ramlah was a hard experience for Salah adDeen; he apparently learned a great deal from it in later confrontations, as it was the first and last major defeat for him and his forces at the hands of the Crusader commanders. Salah ad-Deen realized another fact that had to do with this battle front against the Crusaders, which was that the supply lines between his base in Cairo and the plains of Palestine were too long, there was too much difficulty involved in maintaining them, and there was too little water and vegetation there. This fact was well known to him, his emirs and al-Qadi al-Fadil, as mentioned in the letter that he had sent to the caliphate three years previously, when he asked to be given official authority in all of Greater Syria in addition to Egypt:I134 We will not be able to prevail over the enemy from Egypt with this great distance and the lack of cities; the mounts on which we rely for jihad will be exhausted. (On the other hand,) if we stay there, there is a clear interest that will be served by that and the benefit will be immense. There is enough power and the country is close by; launching campaigns will be possible, supplies will be simple, the horses will be rested, the troops will be great in number and opportunities will be available. 1135 The battle of Ramlah confirmed the soundness of this way of thinking, and from that time Salah ad-Deen decided to move his permanent base, after rebuilding his military and political strength, to Damascus. Its military forces, some of which he had inherited from
$azaJ:tad-Deen al-Ayubi Noor ad-Deen, and its emirs, like his, had lengthy experience in confronting the Crusader forces and had better knowledge of the local geography, in addition to having short communications and supply lines, in contrast to the length of these lines for the enemy. As the basic aim of his military operations in the future was to liberate Jerusalem and recapture the lands which were under Crusader domination, Damascus was the most suitable main base for such operations. Hence ~alill).ad-Deen made it his permanent base and did not leave it for Egypt except to check on the situation in the latter. 1136 The battle of Tell al-Qa<;li Salah ad-Deen remained in Egypt for a few months after the battle of Rarnlah, until he was certain that everything was under his control, then he left and headed for Damascus, where he arrived on Saturday 24 Shawwal S?4 AHIApril 1179, and he stayed there for the rest of that year. All the battles that occurred during that time were no more than a few raids and repelling a few attacks. In fact, Salah adDeen was fully focused on the siege of Baalbek, after its ruler Muharnmad ibn 'Abd al-Malik, who was known as Ibn alMuqaddim, refused to give it up to Salih Turanshah, the brother of Salah ad-Deen. All the while, he did not ignore the fortress of Makhadat al-Ahzan, and he told his emirs that if the Crusaders finished building it, "we will besiege it and destroy it, down to its foundations." 1137 After he had finished with Baalbek, he turned his attention to the fortress and asked the Crusaders to knock it down; in return, they asked him to pay them the costs they had incurred in building it. He offered them sixty thousand dinars, then he raised it to one hundred thousand, but they rejected this offer. 1138 It so happened that in Dhul-Qa'dah 574 AHlApril 1179 CE, Baldwin IV attacked some Muslim shepherds who had gone out to SaIdI')ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims graze their flocks in the fields near Baniyas, and Humphrey of Toron joined him in that. Salah ad-Deen sent a military force, led by his nephew 'Izz ad-Deen Farookh Shah to find out what had happened, and they engaged with the enemy near Shaqeef Amoon1l39 and defeated him; the king was only able to escape due to the courage of Humphrey, who was wounded in the battle, and died afterwards as the result of his wounds. His death was a great loss for the Crusaders.114o Salah ad-Deen had left Damascus when he heard news of the victory, and went to lay siege to the fortress of al-Ahzan, but he limited his action to attacking its garrison, because it was so strongly fortified that he had to lift the siege after a few days. At that point alQadi camped in the plain of Marja 'ayoon, west of Baniyas, and sent the troops to raid the Galilee and Lebanon, and destroy the crops in the lands between Tyre 1141 and Beirut. These raids angered Baldwin IV, who thought that he should put a stop to them, so he gathered his forces and set out to confront the Muslims, calling Raymond ill of Tripoli to help him. He knew that Farrookh Shah was coming back from the coast with a great deal of booty, so he moved northwards to intercept him in the valley of Marja 'ayoon, between the Litani River and the upper part of the Jordan. Salah ad-Deen saw his movements, but whilst the Crusader king was engaged with Farookh Shah, Raymond ill and the Templars were coming towards the Jordan River, and at the entrance to the valley they caught Salah ad-Deen unawares. The Templars immediately hastened to engage in fighting, but Salah ad-Deen stood firm in battle, and the military plans that he had implemented gave him the opportunity to launch a counter-attack and achieve victory. The Crusaders turned tail and fled, not caring about anything. When they reached the royal army, panic spread through the ranks and they were compelled to go back, then they began to flee. Many of them were taken captive, including Odo de
SalO};ad-Deen al-Ayubi Saint Amand, the Grand Master of the Templars, Baldwin, ruler of Ramlah, and Hugh the Count of the Galilee.1142 The battle occurred at the beginning of 575 AHlsummer CE, but Salah ad-Deen did not try to capitalize on this victory by attacking Jerusalem, because he believed that the Crusader king, who was still free, would be able to summon troops from different regions and they would rally around him. This would make his mission more difficult, especially since a group of French knights had arrived in the kingdom at that point on a pilgrimage, led by Henry IT of Champagne, which renewed the Crusaders' hopes and raised their morale.1143 Instead of attacking Jerusalem, he attacked the fortress of al-Ahzan in Rabee' I1April, and after a siege lasting five days, he managed to breach its walls and destroy it completely, levelling it to the ground. He also raided the coastal areas: Tyre, Sidon and Beirut, and his fleet attacked the city of Acre and destroyed the ships that were moored there.ll44 Truce between Salah ad-Deen and Baldwin IV The Crusader losses increased, and Baldwin IV was very upset by the Muslim victories, but he had no choice but to ask for a truce. Indeed, Salah ad-Deen responded to Baldwin's request for a truce between them for his own reasons: o He wanted to annex Aleppo under his authority, before directing a decisive blow against the Crusaders; at the same time, he wanted to protect himself from Crusader attacks whilst he was attacking Aleppo. o He also wanted to launch an attack against Armenia.
o He wanted to build a relationship with Kilij Arslan II, Sultan of the Seljuks of Rum, so that he could get him on his side or at least ensure that he was neutral between him and the Crusaders. Said/:!ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims o He wanted to focus on attacking the Principality of Tripoli. News had reached him that there had been contact between the Crusaders and the Byzantines, aimed at forming a new alliance between them. The Byzantine fleet had attacked Tartous (Tortosa), which was a town on the Syrian coast, on the outer edge of the environs of Damascus. 1145 Salah ad-Deen conquered an island in the sea nearby called Arwad (Ruad), so Raymond was forced to make a truce with him, and asked to join him and become one of his allies, because of his dispute with the Kingdom of Jerusalem which had led to him being deposed and expelled. 1146 As for Baldwin, he was exhausted, as were his troops, because of their many confrontations with Salah ad-Deen. Hence he wanted a truce because he needed to reorganize his troops and find new allies. The period of the truce between them was set at two years, and it seems that during the period leading up to the truce Salah ad-Deen had aimed at raiding the Crusaders in order to lead to a truce, to buy him time to build up and strengthen the Muslim ranks. 1147 Salah ad-Deen and the 'thief knight', Reynald de Chatillon Salah ad-Deen benefited from the truce which he signed with the ruler of the Kingdom of Jerusalem and moved his military activities to areas confronting the Crusaders in northern Syria. There
SaW!; ad-Deen al-Ayubi were some successful sea raids against the Principality of Tripoli, which led to the Crusaders, under the leadership of Raymond III, making a truce with Salah ad-Deen that lasted for five years (11801185 CE).1l48 Salah ad-Deen benefited from his military and political achievements by focusing on his main goal, which was to unite Syria. He started his campaigns - which we have referred to - against the region of Mosul and followed that with the siege of Aleppo and gaining control of that city. Whilst Salah ad-Deen's forces were besieging Aleppo, the Muslim forces in Egypt were carrying out successful military operations on the southern front in the region of Darum (between Gaza and Egypt). These battles in general proved that the most the Crusader front could do in this location was defend some of the areas under its control, and it lost the ability to attack, when compared with its situation before the emergence of Salah ad-Deen al-Ayubi. The exception to that was the raids carried out by the Crusader ruler of Kerak, Reynald of Chatillon, who was regarded as coming under the authority of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. 1149Reynald was known as the 'thief knight' even to the Franks, because he was not one of the type of knights who cared for their honour and adhered to the principles of knighthood; he was good for nothing but plunder, robbery, treachery and launching raids against innocent Muslims. Some European historians described him as an example of the thief knight of his era; he was a man of greed, treachery, savagery and blind fanaticism. The fifteen years that he spent as a prisoner in Aleppo did not alter his behaviour or discipline him.1150 The historian Abu Shamah described him as the most treacherous, most evil and vilest and basest of the Franks; the one most likely to break confirmed covenants and VOWS.1l51 Reynald ignored the truce that had been made between Salah ad-Deen and the Kingdom of Jerusalem, and set out at the head of his forces, penetrating deep into the Arabian desert, as far as Tayma' .1152 $ala/J ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims His intention was to march from Tayma' to Madinah, to capture the holy places.1153 But Farakh Shah, the nephew of ~alill) ad-Deen and his deputy in Damascus, hastened to launch a campaign in Jordan and the environs of Kerak, and plundered the region. Reynald returned to his principality to defend it, but not before plundering a large Muslim caravan which was heading from Damascus to Makkah and robbing it of a large amount of wealth.1154 Hence Salah ad-Deen got angry and sent word to the King of Jerusalem, blaming him for what had happened and reminding him of the truce between them, and demanding that he force Reynald to return what he had plundered. King Baldwin IV was very annoyed with Reynald too, so he sent word demanding that he return what he had plundered from the Muslims and release their prisoners, but Reynald mocked his master - the ailing king - and refused to heed his ordersY55 Reynald's campaigns were not in the Crusaders' interests with regard to timing, as they came at a time when Salah ad-Deen's strength was increasing, and the Kingdom of Jerusalem and other Crusader principalities were suffering from chronic internal problems with no solution. Seeds of doubt were sprouting between the ruler of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, Baldwin IV, and Bohemond Ill, ruler of Antioch, and Raymond Ill, ruler of Tripoli. In addition to that, these attacks came at a time when the Kingdom of Jerusalem was faced with problems concerning the health of Baldwin IV and the issue of succession. On the external front, Salal; ad-Deen's relationship with the Italian cities and with the ruler of the Byzantine Empire, Alexius Komnenos IT,was growing stronger. Moreover, these campaigns of Reynald's served to confirm the failure ofthe Kingdom of Jerusalem to control the lands belonging to it, as Reynald was supposed to be under the authority of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, yet he did not adhere to the truce between the kingdom and Salah ad-Deen. In addition to that, Reynald's campaigns and the threat they posed to the holy places had a positive impact on the Islamic front, as this conduct
~aliif:tad-Deen al-Ayubi on Reynald's part made the allied Muslim forces in Greater Syria and Mesopotamia stand with Salah ad_Deen.1156 Salah ad-Deen began to focus on punishing Reynald for his criminal activities against the merchant and pilgrim caravans. He set out to besiege Kerak more than once, in 580 AHl1184 CE, and 583 AHl1187 CE, as well as carrying out Muslim military operations on the northern front in the region of Tiberias in 583 AHl1187 CE. These developments took place when the Islamic front was now united after the treaty was signed with the ruler of Mosul, and the Crusader front had been suffering from internal problems which worsened after the death of Baldwin IV and assumption of power by Baldwin V in 1185 CE. He died one year later, as the result of which the Kingdom of Jerusalem entered a period of conflict over the succession to the throne, in which the Count of Tripoli, Raymond Ill, took part. Suspicions arose concerning the death of Baldwin V: was it a natural death or had those who harboured ambitions for the crown of the Kingdom of Jerusalem been behind this death? It was suggested that he had died as a result of being poisoned.1157 The matter reached such a point that the Crusaders formed two opposing camps concerning the issue of who should inherit the throne of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. One group supported Guy of Lusignan and his rule of Jerusalem; another group opposed his rule and was led by Raymond rn of Tripoli and Bohemond rn of Antioch.1158 In this confusing internal situation on the Crusader front, which contrasted with the unity and strength on the Muslim side, the ruler of Kerak, Reynald, stirred up trouble with the Muslims. He went back to his old ways of not adhering to truces and covenants; he attacked a merchant caravan that was travelling between Damascus and Cairo, plundered what it was carrying and took the merchants and guards captive. Salah ad-Deen failed to persuade Reynald to hand over the prisoners or return the plunder; similarly, the efforts of the King of Jerusalem to force Reynald to hand over what he had plundered from the caravan
Lessons from the period between the death of Noor ad-Deen and the Battle of Hattin $ald/:tad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims and to release the captives were unsuccessful. This led to a strong Muslim reaction on the part of Salah ad-Deen, which led to the battle of Hattin and its consequences, which we will discuss below in sha' Allah.1159 The long struggle to unite the Muslim front After twelve years of bitter struggle, Salah ad-Deen became master of Egypt, Syria, Mosul and other Muslim lands, and brought together under his control all the Muslim military forces, willingly in most cases and reluctantly in a few others. His method of establishing a united front was based on his (direct) leadership in a number of matters, as well as relying on the Ayubid military institution that he had founded.116o (a) He used to issue decrees granting security to all those who surrendered without fighting, on condition that the troops would be one at times of mobilization against the external enemy, as happened in Hasankeyf, for example. 1161 (b) Salah ad-Deen used to send with arrows pieces of cloth on which were written encouraging and warning phrases into the resisting fortresses, to force their people to seek surrender, after creating psychological turmoil in their ranks. (c) Salah ad-Deen would demonstrate to the strongly fortified city that"he had come to live nearby and that he was intending to settle in the vicinity, after besieging it without launching a direct attack on it. This prompted those inside the fortress or city to ask for security or
$aliiJ:tad-Deen al-Ayubi strive to reach a peace deal so as to make Salah ad-Deen's huge forces move away from the city, because if they stayed, they would cause a great deal of harm. This is what happened at the third siege of Mosul in 581 AHY62 (d) In some cases, Salah ad-Deen offered concessions and gave large amounts of money to the emirs of some fortresses as a way of taking over their fortresses without fighting, as happened when he besieged the fortress of Harim and Mayafariqin.1163 (e) In other cases, Salah ad-Deen resorted to political means. He formed alliances with some emirs to weaken his opponent and force him to seek terms of surrender. Salah ad-Deen used this method when he formed an alliance with 'Imad ad-Deen, the emir of Sinjar aimed at weakening 'Izz ad-Deen Mas'ood, the emir of Mosul.ll64 By means of these methods, and by resorting to warfare in some other cases, Salah ad-Deen was able to achieve unity and make preparations to begin the liberation stage.1165 Salah ad-Deen's efforts to unite the Muslims The general characteristics of Salah ad-Deen's efforts to unite the Muslims included the following: (a) Generosity with wealth, which he regarded as insignificant. This is clearly seen in the large amounts that he gave to his followers, to the delegations who came to see him, and to those who surrendered to his rule, or to whom he promised to give; his letting off the countries he conquered of all past debts and taxes, and abolishing the levies and unjust taxes, apart from the taxes that are permitted in Shariah. Undoubtedly this played a role in attracting people to join his ranks and silencing his opponents. $allil} ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims (b) His tolerant attitude. He fought those who opposed him in order to form a united front. When he defeated them, he did not allow anyone to pursue them or to kill their wounded; he released their prisoners and sometimes showed tolerance towards those he knew were his enemies. He did not show any animosity towards them. He overlooked their aggression, even though he was well aware of it, because he wanted them to become his allies after being his opponents. (c) His deep Islamic faith. This was not only represented in his acts of worship but also in his belief that jihad was an obligation, first for himself and also for others, so he did not accept anything but urging them to engage in it. (d) Leaving emirates under the control of their emirs, or giving them to his commanders and those who were close to him, or even to his opponents on occasion, because after he took control of Egypt, he only needed rulers to supply him with troops when called upon. This is what explains his compromises and diplomatic negotiations and his granting security to those who opposed him. (e) Among the Zangid family in particular and the other emirs of Noor ad-Deen in general, there did not appear any person other than him who had the strength and ability to maintain the principles according to which Noor ad-Deen and his father before him had operated. (f) As well as trying to win the support of the Muslim masses, he also sought to win the approval of the Abbasid caliph who he still believed was the source of spiritual legitimacy for all Muslims. He sent him letters one after another concerning different situations, sometimes explaining them, and sometimes accusing his opponents, or asking permission, or giving glad tidings, but never stopping. From all of that we may understand that ~alaQ ad-Deen's strength was the result of the strong bond between him and the Muslim
$aldl:tad-Deen al-Ayubi masses through his deeds and jihad, and his standing by and defending the masses' demands, by defending their religion and beliefs and confronting the invaders. Salah ad-Deen fought with some Muslim rulers, but he only fought them because of their selfishness and focus on their own personal interests and authority. He spent twelve years (570-582 AHl1174-1186 CE) establishing a united Islamic front; throughout this period, his ambitions were much greater than his physical strength as he was sick. He was a military giant but a mass of physical illnesses, but his love of jihad made him forget his pain and overlook it. 1166 Two who strove for unity and liberation From the events we have discussed, we can easily see that the character of Noor ad-Deen and the character of ~ala.I:t ad-Deen complemented one another in their efforts to unite the Ummah in jihad and liberation. Allah enabled them to do that, and Salah adDeen (may Allah have mercy on him), who was one of the commanders and emirs of Noor ad-Deen Mahmood, came to complete Noor ad-Deen's plan to unite the Muslim Ummah in faith and loyalty towards Allah and His Messenger and those who believe, and in disavowal of the enemies of Allah and His Messenger and the Muslims, and to fight the Crusaders and expel them from the Muslim lands. He revived the Ummah in terms of knowledge, Shariah and jihad; he established the system of Qur' anically prescribed punishments, retaliatory sanctions and disciplinary punishments, and put an end to injustice and corruption. Then after he had made preparations and united the Ummah, he embarked on jihad in Syria, Egypt, the Hijaz, Iraq and Yemen, to attack and expel the Franks from the Muslim lands. Salah ad-Deen al-Ayubi (may Allah be pleased with him) stated that he acquired a great deal of the character Saldh.ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims and attitude of Noor ad-Deen, especially his justice in ruling and his jihad. He said concerning the justice of Noor ad-Deen and how he adopted that from him, commenting on the fairness of Noor ad-Deen towards the one who mistreated him: That is the right thing and any act of justice you see on our part, we learned from him.1167 Abu Shamah said concerning the complementary nature of the two characters: By Allah, how good these two kings were; they came one after the other with good conduct and pure hearts. One was Hanafi and the other Shafa'i; may Allah heal by means of them everyone who is ailing. Noor ad-Deen was the root of all that goodness; by means of his justice and sheer character he established security throughout his land, despite the prevalence of evil and injustice, and he gained control of the lands that he needed to be able to continue his jihad. Thus it became easier for the one who succeeded him to complete the course. But Salah ad-Deen' s achievements in jihad were greater; he reached more lands and showed patience and perseverance, and Allah kept for him the greater victory, namely the conquest of the Holy Land. May Allah be pleased with them both. As the poet said: how much the former left for the latter to dO.1168'Imad ad-Deen al-Katib said of Noor ad-Deen and Salah ad-Deen: They renewed Islam after it had declined, and strengthened it after it had grown weak, then Allah supported Islam after they were gone with al-Malik adh-Dhahir Rukn ad-DeenY69 Uniting the Ummah by force Events showed that the Muslims, at the beginning of the Crusades, were divided; they were a collection of conflicting states and warring emirates. Then Noor ad-Deen Zangi came and united the Ummah in jihad and by highlighting the Shariah evidence that they should be united, cling to the rope of Allah, and come together to
$aliilJ,ad-Deen al-Ayubi fight the Crusaders so as to purify the holy places. Events demonstrated that uniting the Ummah was not just the matter of wishful thinking or what people wanted to see; rather it went beyond that and was manifested in the lives of rulers who were sincere believers in Allah and desired with all their hearts to unite the Ummah. This desire was translated into reality by means of hard work on the part of these rulers, and constant striving in which lives and wealth were expended. It went even further than that, using methods of might and war against all those who called for division and separation. Without that, unity cannot be established. In the light of this brief introduction, we find nothing strange in the fact that Noor ad-Deen Mahmood ibn 'Imad ad-Deen Zangi and the Zangid dynasty in generalas well as the Ayubid dynasty, foremost among whom was Salah ad-Deen al-Ayubi - carried the banner of unity and united the Ummah to stand as one unit in the face of its invading enemies. They united the Ummah in jihad for the sake of Allah and did their utmost to unite them. They fought a bitter fight and fought many battles to gain control of the land and force its emirs to unite. Their approach was as clear as the sun at midday; it was a strict approach with no compromise and no backing down: either respond to the call for unity or be toppled from authoriry.t'?" In 580 AH, before Hattin and before the liberation of Jerusalem, ~al3.l; ad-Deen delivered an address to Zayn ad-Deen Yoosufibn Zayn ad-Deen 'Ali Koojak, ruler of Irbil and its environs and citadels, in which he said: Allah has given us power in the land and enabled us to support the truth and cause it to prevail, which is a duty. We gave precedence to the obligation of jihad for the sake of Allah and we showed the path to achieving that. Thus we fight the enemies of the faith and support its followers. We call upon the friends of Allah throughout the Muslim lands to fight His enemies and unite to make the word of Allah supreme in His land so that we can gain His support. Whoever helps us to $alii/:tad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims achieve this obligation and attain this virtue will gain a great deal of reward on the basis of good deeds, and whoever clings to the earth and follows his own vain desires (Quran 7: 176) and turns away from the truth of his religion by focusing on the falsehood of this world, if he repents and turns back, we will accept him, but if he persists in his misguidance, we will impose restrictions on him and remove him.1171 Here we see history repeating itself. The Muslims are not united and do not have a single state ruling them; rather they are divided into small groups, and have ended up in a situation that is worse than that at the time of the Crusades under discussion here. Their lands are plundered by their enemies and their resources do not belong to them; rather the curricula and laws of their enemies are imposed on them. Islam enjoins those who call for unity to fight those who promote division, and force them to unite, until Allah takes them away and brings others who are better than them. And Allah has no need of the worlds.1172 Unity is a popular demand and no separatist ruler can stand against it When the ruler of Damascus refused to receive Salah ad-Deen because he did not want to unite and fight the Crusaders, the people of Damascus did not accept this attitude; they welcomed Salah adDeen and his army, and influence passed into the hands of Salah adDeen the mujahid and those who were with him.1l73 The marnlook Sarkhak, ruler of the citadel of Harim, in the environs of Aleppo, refused to hand the citadel over to Salah ad-Deen al-Ayubi who had corresponded with him concerning that for the purpose of uniting the Muslim forces to fight the Crusaders, but instead he sent word to the
$ald/J ad-Deen al-Ayubi Crusaders, seeking their protection against Salah ad-Deen. The troops who were with him heard that he was corresponding with the Crusaders and feared that he would hand it over to them, so they seized him and imprisoned him, and sent word to Salah ad-Deen, asking him to grant them safety and to come to them. He responded to their request and they handed the fortress over to him.1174 The importance of unity between Egypt and Syria The union between Egypt and Syria had a good impact on the Muslims. This formed a broad and strong war front and popular base to confront the Crusaders, if they wanted to attack any territory in Egypt or Syria. If any city in Egypt was attacked, the Syrian armies could help the region under attack, either by sending the Syrian army to fight alongside the Muslims in Egypt or by the Syrian army attacking another front against the Crusaders so as to divide their forces and thus reduce the pressure on their brethren. Similarly, if any aggression occurred against any territory in Syria, the Egyptian army could lend support to their brothers in Syria. The life of Salah adDeen shows how the Egyptian army cooperated with the Syrian army in confronting the Crusaders, especially in capturing 'Ascalon and other coastal cities, or defending them.1l75 Salah ad-Deen was able to achieve unity sometimes by diplomatic means and sometimes by use of threats; on some occasions he used limited military action to unite Egypt, Syria and the larger part of the land east of the Euphrates that was under his rule, and he compelled all other forces as far as the Persian border to participate in the jihad against the Crusaders. He accomplished that without slowing down the jihad, as offensive military operations continued under his own leadership or that of his commanders from his main base in Damascus.1176 L _ Saldl) ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims AI-Qa<;iial-Fadil and his efforts in uniting the Ummah Al-Qadi al-Fadil was the great and influential scholar in Salal) ad-Deeri's state. Salah ad-Deen would consult him and not do anything without him or conceal from him any idea that he had in mind.l177 Al-Qadi al-Fadil's pen achieved propaganda, political and intellectual victories for the Ayubid state, whether in correspondence with the Abbasid caliph, as we have seen, or in correspondence with the Muslim Ummah on the occasion of Hajj. Salah ad-Deen would delegate to him administrative, social, economic and security missions in Egypt, and he would do them in the best manner. He corresponded with him and consulted him on many matters. AI-Qa(# al-Fadil's missives to Salah ad-Deen There follow some details of the letters that al-Qadi al-Fadil sent to Salah ad-Deen when he was in Syria. The walls of Cairo "With regard to the walls of Cairo, in accordance with his highness's instructions, work was resumed and the edifice rose. The wall follows the route that leads to the coast at al-Muqaddam. May Allah grant long life to his highness so that he may see it curving like a shield around the two cities, a wall - rather a bracelet adorning Islam. The emir Baha' ad-Deen Qaraqoosh is following up on that himself and with his men, focusing on what he wants to achieve, unlike others; even though he has many burdens he does not burden others." 1178
$ala~ ad-Deen al-Ayubi On the transferring of the position of judge from Sharaf ad-Deen ibn Abi 'Asroon to his son, when he lost his sight "This matter can only lead to one of two things - may Allah choose for his highness the best option in this difficult situation with which no other Muslim king has been faced - either leaving it in the father's name so that his opinion, advice and blessing will still be available, and his son may act as his deputy, on condition that they be punished for the first mistake they make and be dismissed for the first problem that arises, for how often does the love of competition lead to acquiring righteous deeds; or delegating the matter to Imam Qutub ad-Deen, for he is one of the remaining prominent shaykhs, the best of companions, and no one should be given precedence over him in any city except one who is of a higher standing than him.',} 179 The justification for delaying jihad "With regard to his highness's regret for times past when he did not engage in the obligation (jihad) for which he left home but never-ending obstacles came in his way, his highness had good intentions. Doesn't Allah know best about His slave? He will not ask the doer about the completion of his deed, because that is not under his control; but He will ask him about his intention, because that is the basis of good deeds, and He will ask the one who has the ability to do good deeds about doing those deeds that were within his means. If his highness is preparing for jihad and clearing all obstacles in order to reach his goal, then he is in a state of obedience, and it is a blessing from Allah if it takes a long time, and he still has the hope of reaching his goal and attaining reward commensurate with the hardship involved. Hajj is a great blessing because of the effort and long distance involved. If his highness were able to achieve great victories in a few days and settle the matter between the Muslims and the $alalJ-ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims enemies of Islam, then the effort of jihad would come to an end, and the scrolls recording the righteous deeds earned by watching and waiting would be rolled up." 1180 With regard to the sultan's sons "Before we give our answer concerning the seasons, we start - as is our habit, and may that habit never cease - by giving glad tidings of sound health and well being. With regard to his highness' children, may Allah cause them to receive good news about his highness and him to receive good news about them and hasten his meeting with them and theirs with him. They are, praise be to Allah, the delight and adornment of this world, the fragrance and beauty of life. The heart that can put up with separation from them must be a big heart; a heart that is content just to hear news of them must be content indeed. A king who has the patience to stay away from them must be a king of great resolve. The blessing of Allah concerning them is indeed a blessing that makes life full of joy. Doesn't his highness long to be surrounded by their pearls? Doesn't his eye long to have the joy of beholding them?" In another letter, he said: "The kings (Salah ad-Deen's sons) are in good shape, safe and sound, may they continue to be so, and they have the dignity of authority, may it never depart from them. Each one of their highnesses is a master; the necklace is all pearls and they all have precedence. None of them, praise be to Allah, would change what Allah has blessed them with of good health, wellbeing, soundness and protection .... May Allah extend the life of his highness until he sees of their development what their grandfather saw of his household, knights of brilliant valour and kings of Islam .... Stars of the earth, offspring of one another. In this world and in the Hereafter they are knights of power and purity, on the day of battle and on the Day they appear before Allah." $altzf;.ad-Deen al-Ayubi Speaking out against evil "What is enjoined with regard to obvious evils is removing their causes, closing the doors that lead to them, arranging marriage for every divorced woman,1182 and purifying everyone who has committed evil. Allah will grant his highness the reward of one who got angry in order to please Him and forced people to follow the way and manners of the Shariah. ,.1183 Waiving taxes and levies for pilgrims "Among the glad tidings the like of which neither the pilgrims nor rulers of Egypt were used to achieving or attaining the reward thereof was keeping the levy-collectors out of Jeddah and the rest of the coastal areas. How often Allah has blessed His creation with provision at the hands of his highness, which is more than what is due. It is more appropriate for his highness to appreciate his position because he is in charge of these two holy sanctuaries that do not receive help from those who are able to help. The one who is truly deprived is the one who is able to do something good concerning them but wastes that opportunity by not hastening to do so. It is no secret to his highness how the Franks care for Jerusalem and protect it by land and sea, with warships and mounts, when far away and when near, and how they come together to protect it and hasten to support its people with their lives and wealth. Allah forbid that they should be doing the right thing when they are misguided, and that we should do the wrong thing and not help the people there when we are able to do so. 1184At the beginning of Rajab, your servant (meaning himself) is planning, by Allah's will, to travel to the Hijaz to fulfil the obligation (of Hajj) in word and deed. Those who are going (for Hajj) this year are hoping that the standing in 'Arafah will occur on a Friday. As a result of the waiving of the levy, innumerable people are coming, and his highness will be a partner in their reward. May you enjoy this fact that kings cared about their own houses but they ended up in ruins, $aliilJ.ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims whereas his highness cared about the House of Allah, so by Allah's generosity He cares about the house of his highness. How kings will be ashamed before the Prophet (*) for falling short in taking care of the visitors to Allah's House in this year.,,1185 This Hajj was in 574 AH. In 576, al-Qadi al-Fadil asked Salah ad-Deen for permission to do Hajj, and the sultan agreed to that, and wrote to him at the top of the page, in the same line as the Basmalah: May Allah be with you; would that I could be with you, for I would have attained a great reward.1186 According to one report, the sultan Salah ad-Deen responded to al-Qadi al-Fadil's request in writing, and said, commenting on his first Hajj in 574 AH: I received the letter of al-Qadi al-Fadil in which he says that he is intending to do Hajj; may Allah bless it. He should not go by sea, rather he should go from the camp to Aylah (Eilat) and then continue. He may stay in Aylah for one night, and in Iram for one night or less than a night, and Qati' Iram for one night, then he will be far away (from Crusader danger) and there will no longer be any fear for him, in sha' Allah. Secondly: Take hold of his hand and make him swear that he is not going to settle there. Thirdly: Give him three thousand dinars and tell him: You have to spend this on my behalf, not on your behalf, on those who stay to worship in Makkah and Madinah, and on their inhabitants. This is a very important matter, because people will inevitably have needs, and they must be given. If he says this is little, then you should lend me this amount from your own wealth and give it to him. This is very important, otherwise there is no permission for him to go to Hajj, unless he complies with these conditions that I have stipulated. With regard to his return, he has to return to Syria, because I have no other home, until Allah decides between me and the Franks.
SalOl;ad-Deen al-Ayubi ~And He is the Best of judges.s (Quran 7: 87) AI-QaQi al-Fadil wrote to some of the shaykhs ofMakkah after he returned, saying: May Allah bless the Hijaz and the Ka 'bah, how much I long for it. How much I yearn for the holy places. May he perish who is content to stay away from the holy places, and may he be blessed who comes and stays at that sanctuary. How I thirst for the water of Zamzam ... He continued: As for the blessed road, there were many dangers and incidents, all of which made us scared and emotional, but the outcome was good. When we approached Kerak, the enemy chased us but he could not catch up with us. Then Allah blessed us and the danger was removed, and we reached the land of the sultan, where we met his countenance, may we never be deprived of its cheerfulness, and we found him engaging in jihad against the enemy, devoting all his time to that and all his aims will be achieved.1187 Salah ad-Deen's desire to perform Hajj 576 AH Al-Tmad al-Isfahani wrote: In that year, in Rajab, the envoys of the department of the caliph al-'Azeez an-Nasiri Sadr ad-Deen Shaykh ashShuyookh Abul-Qasim 'Abd ar-Raheem, accompanied by Shihab ad-Deen Basheer al-Khas, came to reaffirm his authority, and gave him new symbols of authority, and we met them with great respect and veneration. The sultan rode out to meet them with a cheerful expression on his face. When the
noble envoys came into sight, it was his duty to show respect and veneration. He dismounted and went forward on foot, showing humility and respect, and the envoys dismounted and came to him, and greeted him on behalf of the caliph; he returned the greeting and kissed the ground, then they rode into the city.1188 Said/:!ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims Sadr ad-Deen became a close friend of the sultan. Salah adDeen intended to travel to Egypt via Eilat and the desert, and invited Sadr ad-Deen Shaykh ash-Shuyookh to accompany him and encouraged him to visit the grave of Al-Shafi'i (may Allah have mercy on him). He said, "I have resolved to go on Hajj this year, so I will go with you to Cairo on condition that I stay for two days and do not enter the city; rather I will stay in the Shafi'i graveyard and travel from there to the sea of 'Aydhab.1189 Then perhaps I will be able to fast Ramadan in Makkah." Salah ad-Deen agreed to that and Sadr ad-Deen sent his companions back to Baghdad, so that they could come via that city to the Hijaz, and Shihab ad-Deen Basheer went back with the answer to his letter, accompanied by his envoy Diya' ad-Deen ash-Shahrazoori. Al- 'Isfahani wrote a letter in response to the department of the caliph in which he said, "Your servant is heading towards Egypt to check on it, then he will pray istikhtirah,1190 asking Allah whether or not he should perform Hajj, then he will return to fight His enemies." 1191 Al-Qadi al-Fadil wrote on behalf of al-Malik al-'Adil to his governors in Yemen, telling them that the rulers of the east had come under the sultan's authority, and that he was intending to come to Egypt and fast Ramadan there, and go on Hajj to the House of Allah from there, and he ordered them to accumulate things that could be carried to Makkah for him: wealth, loads and gifts, things that their country had to offer.1192 Al-Qadi also wrote to the emir of Makkah and the emir of Yanbu, telling them about his plans so that they could
$alfilJ ad-De en al-Ayubi prepare for his arrival. 1193 Al-Qadi al-Fadil wrote to the sultan Salah ad-Deen: May Allah bring all kings under his authority and cause the enemy to lose sleep when thinking of him. May Allah grant to the people of Islam security by means of his justice, and may Allah grant that he may stand at 'Arafah on the greatest day of Hajj. Then he congratulated him because Allah had blessed him with of love of jihad, and had granted him victory in the land of the Armenians and other lands, and for the intention to perform Hajj, may Allah grant him what he wants.1l94 It seems that the sultan had the opportunity to perform Hajj with Shaykh ash-Shuyookh, then something happened to prevent that.1l95 Salah ad-Deen's illness and its effect on the course of events In 581 AH, it so happened that Salah ad-Deen became very sick, but he pretended to be well and gave no sign of being in pain, until it overwhelmed him and got worse. When he reached Harran, he stopped there because of the severity of his pain. Rumours began to spread throughout the land and the people feared for him, and the disbelievers and heretics got their hopes up, whilst the righteous and the believers were afraid. His brother Abu Bakr al-'Adil came to him from Aleppo with doctors and medicines, and found him very weak. He advised him to make a will and appoint a successor, and he said, "I am not worried when I am leaving behind Abu Bakr, 'Umar, 'Uthman and 'Ali," meaning his brother al-'Adil, ruler of Aleppo, Taqi ad-Deen 'Umar, ruler of Hamah, who at that time was his deputy in Egypt and was resident there, and his two sons al-'Azeez _ $ala/:t ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims 'Uthman and al-Af<;lal'Ali. Then he vowed to Allah that if He healed him from this sickness, he would focus all his attention on fighting the disbelievers and he would never fight any Muslim after that, and he would make the conquest of Jerusalem his most important goal, even if he were to spend all the wealth and treasure that he owned for that purpose. He also vowed to kill Reynald de Chatillon, ruler of Kerak, with his own hand, because he had broken the truce with the sultan and attacked an Egyptian merchant caravan, seizing their wealth and then beheading them whilst saying, "Where is your Muharnmad to help you?" This entire vow was made on the advice of al-Qadi al-Fadil (may Allah have mercy on him), who was the one who advised and urged him to do that and to make a covenant with Allah, may He be glorified and exalted. So Allah healed him and made him well, healing him from that sickness in which there was expiation for his sins and raising him in status, as a support for Islam and its people. This good news spread in all directions, praise be to Allah.1196 AIQadi al-Fadil wrote from Damascus where he was staying to alMuzaffar Taqi ad-Deen 'Umar, who was governing Egypt on behalf of his uncle (Salah ad-Deen), telling him that news of Salah adDeen's recovery had spread everywhere and that his sickness had disappeared, praise be to Allah; its fire had been extinguished, its dust had settled and its sparks had diminished. It was no more than something to be expected, but Allah had protected against its evil and sufficed Islam against its impact. Allah could not have neglected the supplication when it came sincerely from the heart and He could not have stopped responding even though there were sins in the way, and He could not have broken His promise of relief at the time of despair. His highness the sultan al-Malik an-Ndsir recovered and regained his energy for jihad, and paradise was prepared for us;
$alaf:tad-Deen al-Ayubi the reckoning was over, d . A we passe over as-strat and we were exposed to terrors, fear of which almost made the camel pass through the eye of a needle. 1 198 Al- 'Imad described Salah ad-Deen's sickness as follows: "The more the sultan's pain increased, the higher his hopes of Allah's kindness rose; the weaker he became, the stronger his trust in Allah grew. I was with him night and day, in private and in public, and he was constantly dictating to me his will and final instructions, distributing gifts to people by my pen.1199 His attitude improved when he regained good health, and he would talk to us in an easy and pleasant manner. His gatherings were never devoid of virtuous people, intelligent people, people of noble character, discussing useful matters in his presence, sometimes talking about Islamic rulings and fiqh issues; or about poetry and the meaning of Arabic phrases and literary topics; or about heroes and the glories of the past, and victories of jihad, and the obligation of preparing and being ready for it. He vowed that if Allah saved him from this sickness, and healed him from this illness and its bitterness by granting him good health, pure and sweet, he would focus on conquering Jerusalem even if it cost him dearly in wealth and lives, and that he would devote the rest of his life to nothing other than fighting the enemies of Allah and striving in jihad for His sake, supporting and striving to help the people of Islam. He would never abandon his character of generosity and giving all that he had, fulfilling covenants, adhering to deals, keeping promises. He might sometimes find some comfort at various times of night or day by listening to singing on the doctors' advice, so as to relax and find some pleasure. That sickness was purification from Allah for his sins, and a reminder to him to wake him from the slumber of forgetfulness.V'" His regular charity was plentiful and given to righteous people, but his generosity J _ SaW}] ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims encompassed everyone.1201 By means of his charity he warded off calamities and confirmed his sincerity, and Allah looked at his intentions." 1202 Important figures who died during this stage Death of 'Asmat Khatoon In 572 AH, the sultan Salah ad-Deen married the lady Khatoon 'Asmat ad-Deen bint Mu'een ad-Deen Anar, who had been the wife ofthe king Noor ad-Deen Mahmood. After the latter's death, she had stayed in the citadel, respected and honoured. Her guardian who gave her in marriage was her brother Sa'd ad-Deen Mas 'ood ibn Anar, and the marriage was performed by al-Qadi Ibn Abi 'Asroon and the people of good character who were with him. Salah ad-Deen stayed with her that night and the following one. 1203She was one ofthe best of women and among the most chaste and charitable. She was the one who established the al-Khatooniyah endowment at the place of Hajar adh-Dhahab, and established Khanqah Khatoon outside Bab anNasr, and she was buried there on the slope of Qasiyoon, near Qibab ash-Sharkasiyah, beside which is Dar al-hadith al-Ashrafiyah walAtabakiyah. She established many other endowments, and died in 581 AH.1204 Death of the senior emir Sa'd ad-Deen Mas 'ood ibn Mu 'een ad-Deen He was one of the senior emirs at the time of Noor ad-Deen and Salah ad-Deen, and he was the brother of the lady Khatoon 'Asmat ad-Deen. When Salill) ad-Deen married her, he married the latter's sister the lady Rabee'ah Khatoon bint Ayub, by whom the Madrasah as-Salahiyah for the Hanbalis was founded. She lived to old age and died in 643 AH. She was the last of the children of Ayub _______ $aliilJ ad-Deen al-Ayubi to die. Sa'd ad-Deen died in Damascus in Jumada IT581 AH from wounds that he had sustained during the siege of Mayafariqin.1205 Death of Turanshah, the brother of $alal:zad-Deen In 576 AH, the sultan's oldest brother, al-Malik al-Mu'adhdham Shams ad-Dawlah Turanshah ibn Ayub died. He had conquered Yemen on the orders of Salah ad-Deen, and he stayed there for a while and collected a great deal of wealth. Then he left a deputy to govern the land and went to see his brother in Syria because he missed him. He had written to him on the way, quoting lines of poetry that were written for him by the poet Ibn al-Munajjim, when they had reached Tayma'. He came to Salah ad-Deen in 571 AH and was with him during famous battles and great campaigns. ~al3.l) ad-Deen made him his deputy in Damascus for a while, then he went to Egypt when he was appointed as his deputy in Alexandria, but its climate did not suit him; he suffered colic there and died, and was buried in the emir's palace. His sister Sitt ash-Sham bint Ayub moved his remains in a coffin to Damascus and he was buried in al-Madrasah ashShamiyah.1206 The meaning of the name Turanshah is "King of the East." 1207 Al-Malik Turanshah was noble, generous, acclaimed, courageous and brave; he inspired respect in people's hearts and was serious and patient. 1208 When news of his death reached his brother, the sultan al-Malik an-Nasir Salah ad-Deen, who was camping outside Horns, he grieved deeply for him and recited lines of verse eulogizing him. 1209 Death of al-Malik al-Mansoor 'Iz: ad-Deen Farookh Shah ibn Shahinshah ibn Ayub He died in 578 AH. He was the ruler' of Baalbek and the deputy in Damascus of his paternal uncle al-Malik Salah ad-Deen. He was the father of al-Malik al-Amjad Bahram Shah, who also ruled J _
He said, "0 Seedi, your fault is that we are your companions." $alii/:tad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims Baalbek after his father died. Farookh Shah was gallant, courageous, heroic, wise, intelligent, dignified, noble and acclaimed. He was praised by the poets for his generosity, virtue and kindness. He was one ofthe greatest companions of Shaykh Taj ad-Deen Abul-Yaman al-Kindi, and he wrote poetry praising al-Kindi. One of the incidents which point to his gallantry and chivalry occurred one day when he went to the bath house and saw a man who he had known to be wealthy, but he had become so poor that he was covering himself with his hand. He felt sorry for him and told his slave to take a bundle of clothing and a mat to where the man lived, and to give him a mule and one thousand dinars. He also allocated to him a monthly stipend of twenty dinars. Thus the man entered as one of the poorest of people and exited as one of the richest. 1210 May the mercy of Allah be upon the generous and wise. Death of Ahmad ar-Rifii'i He was an imam, leader, worshipper and ascetic, Shaykh of the 'Anfeen (those who have knowledge of Allah), Abul-tAbbas Ahmad ibn Abil-Hasan 'Ali ibn Ahmad ar-Rifa'i al-Maghrebi alBata'ihi. His father had come from the Maghreb and lived in alBata'ih, in the village ofUmm 'Ubaydah, and he married the sister of Mansoor az-Zahid, who bore him Shaykh Ahmad and his siblings. Abul-Hasan recited Quran well and used to lead Shaykh Mansoor in prayer. He died when his son Ahmad was still unborn, so the child was raised by his maternal uncle. It was said that he was born at the beginning of the year 500 AH, and that he used to urge his companions, if he had any faults, to point them out to him. Shaykh 'Umar al-Faroothi said, "0 Seedi, 1211 I know of a fault in you." He asked, "What is it?"
$allii;.ad-Deen al-Ayubi The Shaykh and his followers wept and he said, "0 'Umar, if the boat is sound it will carry whoever is in it." It was said that a cat slept on the sleeve of Shaykh Ahmad, and the call for prayer was given, so he cut his sleeve and did not disturb the cat, then he sat down and stitched it back and said, "Nothing has changed." He also said, ''The shortest route to Allah is humility, modesty and feeling the need for Him, venerating the command of Allah, showing compassion to the creation of Allah and following the Sunnah of the Messenger of Allah (~)." He did not stand up for prominent figures and he said, "Looking at their faces hardens the heart." He prayed for forgiveness a great deal; he was of high status, soft hearted and very sincere. He died in 578 in Jumada I.1213 Poetry Concerning the battle of Marj al-'Uyoon The poet Ibn at-Ta'aweedhi praised Salah ad-Deen in verse, noting that the enemy had nearly succeeded in their plot and had concealed their enmity with a smile: But Damascus, when you came to it, became a place of refuge for the banished and the poor. You are forgiving yet powerful, modest yet proud, tough yet gentle. You showed us your good deeds and reminded us of the early generation. You guaranteed to bring back their days by doing generous deeds, and you were ever the best guarantor. 1214 $alii/:!ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims Usamah ibn Munqidh praises Salah ad-Deen Usamah ibn Munqidh came to Damascus in 570 AH and recited: I am happy to have grown old with grey hair even though I have committed many sins, because I have lived long enough to meet, after my enemies, one who is a friend and beloved. 1215 Attitude of the scholars concerning those who reviled the Companions In 574 AH, a heretical poet whose name was Ibn Quraya, was arrested in Baghdad. He used to stand in the marketplaces and recite lines of poetry condemning and reviling the Companions of the Prophet (may Allah be pleased with them), describing them as unjust, and criticizing those who loved them. A hearing was held on the caliph's orders, and he was investigated. He turned out to be an extreme and deviant heretic. The scholars issued orders that his tongue be cut out and his hands cut off, and this was done to him. Then the masses went after him and stoned him, and the police were unable to rescue him from them.1216 Salah ad-Deen enters Armenia In 576 AH, the sultan Salah ad-Deen made a truce with the Franks and headed towards Anatolia. He brought about reconciliation between Noor ad-Deen Muhammad ibn Qara Arslan ibn Dawood ibn Artuq, ruler of Hasankeyf, and the sultan 'Izz ad-Deen Kilij Arslan ibn Mas'ood ibn Kilij Arslan. They met at a river called Kook SOO,1217 where they exchanged gifts and
$aliiJ:tad-Deen al-Ayubi invitations, and celebrated a great deal.1218 In that year, Salah adDeen entered Armenia to depose their king Ibn Lawin, because he had granted security to some of the Turkmen to come and graze in Armenia, then in the morning he betrayed them and took them all captive. So the sultan entered his land and humiliated his helpers and troops, and Allah supported the Muslims with fear. Because of that fear the Armenians set fire to a large citadel known as Manaqeer, and the Muslims hastened to save what it contained of equipment and foodstuffs. That gave them some power, and they demolished it completely. 1219The Armenian king was humiliated and subjugated, then he released the captives he was holding, and the sultan went back victorious and reached Hamah at the end of Jumada II.I220 The astrologers and the end of the world In 582 AH, the astrologers in all countries said that the world would end that year in Sha 'ban, with the conjunction of the six planets in Libra and a strong wind that would blow everywhere. Those who had no certain faith and no understanding of religion, such as the kings of the Persians and Byzantines, were scared by that prediction and they (the astrologers) warned them of the effects of the stars, so they started to dig caves in the slopes of hills and built bunkers in tunnels, strengthening them and blocking all openings to prevent the wind coming in. They brought in water and other supplies, and moved into these bunkers and waited for the appointed time. Every time we heard about them we laughed heartily at their way of thinking. Salah ad-Deen was annoyed at the falsehood of the astrologers and was certain that their words were based on lies and conjecture. When the night came on which the astrologers said there would be a wind like that of 'Ad,1221 according to al- 'Imad alIsfahani:
The time approached when we were sitting with the sultan in the open air; the stars were very clear in the sky and no breeze was stirring. We never saw any night like it in stillness, quietness and calm. 1222 $aldlJ ad-Deen al-Ayubi's efforts to unite the Muslims The Abbasid caliph's consideration towards his Jewish subjects